Hand Preference and Personality Traits
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In this chapter, we argue that despite the fact that empirical research on trait neuroticism has shown fairly weak relations between the broad neuroticism trait and overall job performance, organizational research can benefit by increased attention to the neuroticism construct. This is because the influence of neuroticism on work behavior can be best understood by separating the more general neuroticism domain into its lower level facets. We discuss various conceptualizations of neuroticism and then review existing research on the relation between the facets of neuroticism and job performance. Next, we turn our attention to a theoretical framework that suggests that the relations between neuroticism facets and job performance outcomes are explained by the social, cognitive, and behavioral effects of having varying levels of neuroticism-based traits. In so doing, we not only focus on mediated relationships between facets of neuroticism and job performance dimensions but also recognize some important moderators, as well as some expected direct relations between the facets and job performance. Finally, we discuss implications for further conceptual development, offer some suggestions for testing the propositions, and discuss potential practical implications of finding support for this model.
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The chapter reviews the main explanations and interpretations for differences between cultures in mean levels of neuroticism. The relationships between neuroticism and cultural dimensions are also presented to provide a complex overview of current cross-cultural investigation in neuroticism. Three paradigmatic questions of current cross-cultural research in neuroticism were identified in the present study: the question of,
a) the heritability of neuroticism;
b) randomness, i.e., if worldwide distribution of neuroticism is systematic or random; and
c) independence of neuroticism in terms of the independence of its measurement with measurement of cultural dimensions.
The present review distinguished six different interpretations for differences between cultures in mean levels of neuroticism that has emerged in current cross-cultural research:
1) intercultural differences in neuroticism reflect slight differences in culture-specific components of neuroticism, all cultures share a similar personality dimension of neuroticism, but this trait does not mean completely the same thing in various cultures;
2) the mainstream religion in a given culture influences the level of neuroticism in that culture;
3) geographically close cultures also show similar levels of neuroticism in comparison with geographically distant cultures;
4) intercultural differences in neuroticism are caused by culturally endorsed response styles;
5) intercultural differences in neuroticism reflect genetic differences between cultural groups;
6) intercultural differences in neuroticism may be caused by adaptations of psychometric personality questionnaires to other languages.
Taking these interpretations together provides an intriguing theoretical background for further theoretical developments in this field. Various implications for both theory and empirical research are discussed in the Discussion subsection of this chapter. For example, we discussed the role of acquiescence response bias, differential item functioning in factor loadings, the Euclidean similarities of personality profiles across cultures, or various methodological problems of comparing neuroticism in different cultures.
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It is argued that personality scales of neuroticism and anxiety are tapping the same personality trait and that this is a risk factor for neurotic disorders. To see whether this trait is modifiable, a meta-analysis was carried out of therapy outcome studies which included a measure of trait anxiety or neuroticism as a dependent measure. This meta-analysis showed that all psychological therapies are to some extent effective. However, rational-emotive and related therapies produced particularly large reductions in trait anxiety/neuroticism (around 1.25 standard deviations). The possibility that rational-emotive education programmes could be used to lower trait anxiety/neuroticism as a preventive measure is discussed.
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One of the few incontrovertible assumptions concerning human personality is that it is influenced and determined by a wide range of factors. Of major importance are individual differences in genetic factors. This was shown very clearly by Vukasović and Bratko (2015) in their meta-analytic review of twin, family and adoption studies designed to assess the percentage of individual differences attributable to genetic factors for major personality factors or dimensions. With respect to H. J. Eysenck’s three orthogonal dimensions of extraversion, neuroticism and psychoticism (see H. J. Eysenck & M. Eysenck, 1985), the percentage figure ranged between 30 percent for psychoticism and 42 percent for neuroticism (which closely resembles trait anxiety).
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Agreeableness
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The term Neuroticism has its roots in Freudian Theory. The modern concept of neuroticism was introduced using a range of methods from personality psychology, including psychophysiological and lexical studies. The personality trait of neuroticism describes people who frequently are troubled by negative emotions such as worry and insecurity. People high on neuroticism can be described as those who worry, who are emotionally unstable, often anxious and have low self esteem. People who score low on this factor report being much happier. A character can be said Extravert Neurotic when depicts a behavior suggested for Choleric (extravert + neurotic) in Eysenck trait theory of personality. Such characters are active, optimistic, impulsive, changeable, excitable, aggressive, restless and touchy.
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