Political Gerontology: Population Ageing and the State of the State
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AT LAST, here is a practical guide to approaching care of older people in hospitals as well as other settings. For this reason, it should be considered as an essential ward teaching and mentoring tool.
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While frailty is not an inevitable part of ageing it is more common in older people. Of people over the age of 65 years, 10% have frailty, which rises to between 25 and 50% of those over 85 (Clegg et al 2013). The British Geriatrics Society (BGS) (2014) Fit for Frailty guideline recommends that older people should be assessed for frailty at all healthcare encounters.
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Older people are being denied council-run care at home because of rapidly rising costs and changes in eligibility criteria, a charity that supports older people and carers claims.
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Advanced and specialist nurses have the potential to improve older patients' experiences of GP services in Wales, according to independent older people's commissioner for Wales Sarah Rochira in her latest guidance to health boards.
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Compared with previous generations, more older people have retained some or all of their teeth, but more than 40% of community-dwelling older people aged 75 and over have unmet oral health needs. However, the importance of oral health can be undervalued by healthcare professionals and older people. Three studies relating to oral health for older people are summarised.
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Mathias Meijer: Overselling the burden of the ageing population.
This article challenges the apocalyptic discourse of population ageing that maintains that the ageing of the Danish population is one of the greatest challenges to the welfare state making it unsustainable without considerable welfare reforms. By relating the future demographic projections to historical and international trends, the article shows that population ageing is not a new phenomenon, and that Denmark is one of countries with the slowest rate of ageing in the OECD. Contrary to most other Western countries, Denmark has already made several reforms that reduce the future economic pressure posed by an ageing population. In addition, economic projections about Danish economy artificially amplify the future economic challenges caused by population ageing by not taking the dynamic development of the population into account. The article argues that the reason population ageing is continuously referred to as a major challenge to the welfare state is that it is used as a neutral, non-ideological and apolitical pretext to discredit the welfare state in its current form in order to legitimatise neo-liberal welfare reforms. Hence population ageing is used as a Trojan horse to change the structural relationship between state, market and civil society by transforming Denmark into an all-working society and by strengthening political discourses aiming to reduce the role of state in the economy by intensifying privatisation and contracting out of public services.
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This article examines the impact of the 1996 welfare‐to‐work law on women’s work and welfare outcomes. I investigate four welfare and work outcomes: (1) off welfare and employed; (2) off welfare and unemployed; (3) on welfare and employed; and (4) on welfare and unemployed. I compare how women on welfare move into these different categories from 1990 to 2000, with specific interest in examining what happened to the number of women in these categories after 1996, which is the bench mark year to examine the impact of the 1996 welfare‐to‐work law. In this article I will investigate four questions: (1) are long‐term welfare users permanently leaving welfare?; (2) is there a group of welfare users that permanently left welfare before the 1996 welfare‐to‐work law? (3) is there a hard‐to‐serve welfare population?; and (4) are those women that leave welfare finding employment. I draw four conclusions from my analyses. My first conclusion is that a new group of welfare users emerged after 1996 that is different than the conventional three groups (e.g., long‐term users, short‐term users, and recidivists). I call this new group PRWORA leavers, which are long‐term welfare users that have permanently left the welfare rolls after 1996. My second conclusion is that a group of welfare users permanently left the welfare rolls before 1996. Thus, many women were already leaving welfare and finding work be fore the law was passed. My third conclusion is that there remains a consistent hard‐to‐serve population on welfare. However, this group of welfare users is small. My fourth conclusion is that work participation has significant in creased from 1996 to 2000 for long‐term welfare users.
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