Substance use affects more than the individual user; all those who have relationships with the person using are impacted and suffer the consequences of substance use. Parental substance use places children at risk for a wide range of adverse physical, psychological, social-emotional, and behavioral outcomes at all stages of the developmental continuum. However, schools can help mitigate those adverse outcomes by providing children with access to social support and helping them to develop coping skills. This chapter provides an overview of the short- and long-term effects of parental substance use and its impact on youth functioning and provides educators with strategies and resources to support these students and meet their needs.
Abstract Ample evidence suggests that PK‐12 students experience racism and other forms of discrimination in school and that these experiences have a deleterious impact on their mental health. Several studies have shown a consistent and strong relationship between racism and negative mental health outcomes including increased depression and anxiety, decreased self‐worth and self‐esteem, as well as psychological maladjustment. School‐based mental health services can ensure that racial and ethnic minoritized (REM) students gain access to mental health services. Because schools are one place where REM students experience structural and individual discrimination, it is critical that school‐based mental health providers utilize strategies to promote school climates that are safe and affirming for these students. Using a multitiered system of support framework, we describe the tier 1 interventions to promote positive school racial climate and the elements of culturally responsive practices to be integrated into tier 2 and tier 3 interventions to improve mental health outcomes for REM youth.
Children's development is not only a product of parent-child interactions, but it is also a product of the interplay between environments and individuals (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). While parents may be one of the greatest influences on children's development (Westbrook & Harden, 2010), communities may provide risk or protective factors that contribute to not only children's development (Myers & Taylor, 1998), but also to parents' abilities to engage in effective parenting (Westbrook & Harden, 2010). Urban communities plagued with community violence may negatively impact parents, the family environment (Jenkins, 2002), and children (Aisenberg & Herrenkohl, 2008; Westbrook & Harden, 2010).The present study will use the ecological risk and resiliency theory as framework to explore the impact of proximal (i.e., parental psychological well-being) and distal (parental community violence exposure) risk factors on parenting behaviors, which were in turn hypothesized to influence children's social emotional competence. Data from a survey administered to families within Washington, DC Head Start programs were used to conduct analyses.THEORETICAL AND CONCEPTUAL FOUNDATIONSEcological Risk and Resilience TheoryThis study assumes that children's environments greatly influence their development. The basis of this assumption relies on ecological theory that explores the impact of the environment on individuals behaviors (Bronfenbrenner, 1979). Bronfenbrenner insisted that it is not enough to understand the specific related to development, but science must also illuminate how environments may sustain, enhance, or impair the operation of these processes (p. 845). In short, ecological perspective considers how the individual develops in interaction with the immediate social environment and how aspects of the larger social context affect what goes on in the individuals' immediate settings (Harrison et al., 1990, p. 347).Three ecological systems foster children's development: (a) the macrosystem, which includes the larger society's political and cultural values and is most distal; (b) exosystem, which is the middle most context that includes the community in which the child lives; and (c) microsystem, which is most proximal and includes the family, school environment, and peer relationships (Overstreet & Mazza, 2003). The ecological risk and resilience framework extends beyond the original ecological theory to assert that each context has risk and protective factors that contributes to individuals' development (Koblinsky, Kuvalanka, & Randolph, 2006). Risk factors increase the likelihood of negative outcomes while protective factors increase the likelihood of positive outcomes (Koblinsky, Kuvalanka, & Randolph, 2006). Research suggests exposure to community violence is a risk factor within the exosystem; moreover, exposure to community violence may also disturb the microsystem and directly impact children's development (Overstreet & Mazza, 2003). Therefore, this study will address the microsystem, the family, and the exosystem, the community, and their effect on parenting behaviors and children outcomes.Parenting Impacts Children's OutcomesThe research upholds that parents are influential in the development of children. Parents assist in children's development by providing a safe and nurturing environment (Iwaniec & Sneddon, 2002). One way in which parents influence child outcomes is through parental socialization, which describes how parents transmit attitudes, beliefs, values, and behaviors to their children (Eisenberg, Cumberland, & Spinrad, 1998). Parental socialization theories assume that parenting behaviors directly relate to the child's later behaviors within society (Feldman & Klein, 2003). The specific type of parental socialization that this study explores is parental socialization of emotions.Socialization of emotions is a specific form of parental socialization that includes what parents say, reward, and punish regarding children's emotional control and expressiveness. …
Although racial, ethnic, and linguistically minoritized school-aged students within the United States are increasing in population, school psychologists have historically been predominantly white, monolingual females. Diversity within the field of school psychology is important for improving students' achievement and postsecondary success, particularly as it relates to underrepresented students. Research shows that the diversity of school psychology faculty is important for the recruitment and retention of minoritized graduate students. However, demographic information within school psychology has only been calculated within the context of memberships to psychological organizations (e.g., the National Association of School Psychologists), which could underestimate the actual diversity of school psychology faculty currently in the profession. The purpose of this study was to collect information on the demographic characteristics of school psychology faculty as of 2021. A total of 429 school psychology trainers completed a brief web-based survey in which they self-identified their employment characteristics, gender identity, sexual orientation, racial-ethnic identity, (dis)ability status, and languages spoken. At the time of the survey, most of the sample were employed as full professors (30.5%) or assistant professors (29.4%). Results demonstrated that majority of the sample identified as white (78.6%), cisgender female (66.2%), heterosexual (87.2%), non(dis)abled (95.1%), and monolingual English speaking (83.9%). Faculty of color were more likely to report a higher percentage of time spent teaching as compared to white faculty. Implications of these findings and future directions are discussed. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).
