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    Summary Over time, autobiographical memories demonstrate fixed affect (i.e., maintain initial affect), fading affect, flourishing affect (i.e., increased affect), or flexible affect (i.e., change from unpleasant to pleasant or vice versa). Walker and Skowronski argued that events low in initial pleasantness are more likely to exhibit flourishing affect and flexible affect and that unpleasant events are more likely to demonstrate flexible affect than pleasant events. However, because of the low frequency of flourishing affect and flexible affect events in individual studies, research had not examined differences between these event categories. The present study examined initial pleasantness ratings for fading affect, fixed affect, flourishing affect, and flexible affect events across four published studies. We expected and generally found lower initial pleasantness for flourishing affect and flexible affect events than for fading affect and fixed affect events. Implications are discussed. Copyright © 2016 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.
    Affect
    Flourishing
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    In this paper, we suggest that affect meets the traditional definition of "cognition" such that the affect-cognition distinction is phenomenological, rather than ontological. We review how the affect-cognition distinction is not respected in the human brain, and discuss the neural mechanisms by which affect influences sensory processing. As a result of this sensory modulation, affect performs several basic "cognitive" functions. Affect appears to be necessary for normal conscious experience, language fluency, and memory. Finally, we suggest that understanding the differences between affect and cognition will require systematic study of how the phenomenological distinction characterising the two comes about, and why such a distinction is functional.
    Affect
    Citations (513)
    Three experiments tested the hypothesis that need for affect and need for cognition influence receptivity to affect- and cognition-based persuasive messages. Experiment 1 found that an affective message elicited more positive attitudes among individuals high in need for affect and low in need for cognition, whereas a cognitive message elicited more positive attitudes among individuals low in need for affect and high in need for cognition. Experiment 2 found that individual differences in need for affect influenced receptivity to an affect-based (but not cognition-based) message, whereas individual differences in need for cognition influenced receptivity to a cognition-based (but not affect-based) message. Experiment 3 found that individual differences in need for affect were associated with increased recognition of information from an affect-based (but not cognition-based) message, whereas individual differences in need for cognition were associated with increased recognition of information from a cognition-based (but not affect-based) message. Overall, the studies point to the importance of individual differences in need for affect and need for cognition in understanding how individuals respond to different types of persuasive messages.
    Affect
    Need for cognition
    Citations (189)
    The present chapter analyzes relations between affect and health behaviors from the perspective of the action control model of affect regulation. It presents evidence that forming if-then plans or implementation intentions can emancipate health actions from unwanted influence by three kinds of affect—experienced affect, anticipated affect, and implicit affect. For each of these kinds of affect, it demonstrates that emancipation can be achieved in two ways—either by directly targeting the affect itself so as to undermine the strength of the affective response, or by targeting the relationship between affect and health behavior so that the translation of affect into action is reduced or blocked. It concludes that the impact of affect on health decisions and actions is not inevitable: affective influence can be modulated effectively using if-then plans.
    Affect
    Affect regulation