Gender-Related and Grade-Related Differences in Writing Topics in Chinese and Canadian Children.
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A convenience sample of children in Grades 1, 4, and 7 in Canada (N = 763) and China (N = 560) were asked to imagine that they were animals and to write a story about the adventures of the animal. In Canada and China there were gender and developmental differences in the choice of the animal. Chinese and Canadian girls chose animals characterized as weak, tame, and safe. The boys in both cultural settings linked themselves to animals which were strong, wild, and dangerous. Although both cultural groups picked similar animals, there were different choices related to the Chinese (e.g., pandas and dragons) and Canadian (e.g., cougars and unicorns) settings. The data are discussed in the context of the cross-cultural and sex-role stereotyping literature.Keywords:
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This study investigated intolerance of human differences among fifth-, eight-, and eleventh-graders in the United States (N = 266), Japan (N = 408), and the People's Republic of China (N = 232). Intolerance was measured by children's reactions to nontypical peers. Students were administered a self-explanatory questionnaire, presenting brief scenarios describing the following six types of nontypical children: aggressive, mean (cruel), withdrawn, learning disabled, unathletic, and poor. For each nontypical child, students were asked how much they would want to be friends with that child, how they would feel working closely with the child on a class project, and how similar or dissimilar they were to the child. Children's intolerant reactions varied by culture depending on the nature of the specific situation with which they were confronted. Overall, fifth- and eight-graders were more intolerant of nontypical children than eleventh-graders. Various theories that might explain cross-cultural and developmental differences in the expression of intolerance are discussed.
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Composition studies
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Childrens' and adolescents' ideals were the subject of a number of developmental studies published between 1898 and 1918 in several Western countries. The article reports the results from two recent Norwegian samples, one of about 2500 16-17 year olds (10th graders) in western Norway, and the other on about 200 13-14 year olds (7th graders) in northern Norway. In both studies, participants were asked: 'Who would you most like to be like?' The results are compared to a similar Norwegian study performed in 1914, and show the following trends: (i) more boys mention public figures, and more girls personal acquaintances, as they did in 1914, especially in the older age group; (ii) the public figures mentioned are almost exclusively sports stars, movie stars and pop artists, in contrast to the historical heroes and writers of the early studies; (iii) 15-25% of respondents in both samples claimed they would most like to be themselves, an answer almost unknown in 1914. They were also asked which human qualities they valued most highly and who possessed these qualities. Despite the popularity of media figures, answers to these questions showed moral and social qualities to be valued more highly than achievement and appearance; in the older age group, parents were most often mentioned as persons with highly valued traits.
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This study adopted Gudykunst and Tmg-Toomey's Cultural Variability Model to examine gender and cultural patterns in levels of taboo within the friendships of students from two cultures. Eighty-two British and 81 Chinese students completed self-report schedules inquiring about those topics they considered to be taboo in their relationship with a close friend. Responses were evaluated in a 2 (Sex) x 2 (Culture) x 2 (Sex of Friend) design, and levels of taboo for 35 topics of discussion/behaviours were recorded. Results were largely consistent with the Cultural Variability Model, with Chinese students recording a greater level of taboo than their British counterparts and with males recording higher levels of taboo in their friendship than females. Interaction effects were not as expected, with males disclosing more to other male friends rather than to female friends.
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Summary A sample of 838 children aged 5–15 in Australia, England, North America, and Sweden were interviewed about physical and sexual development. Six major topics were covered, including a section on how children viewed sex education. Reported here are questions about whom children were confident to ask sex questions and what their major sources of sex information were. It was found that girls more than boys were confident to ask mothers about sex, neither being confident to ask their fathers. From 9 years children showed reluctance to ask teachers, and were even more hesitant to ask friends. The three most cited sources of sex information were mother, school, and the media. Some differences between Swedish children and their peers in English speaking countries were found.
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Chinese, German, and U.S. American 4- to 6-year-old boys and girls were asked to select videos of children stories that they would most like to see. Choices were either between pairs of story videos presenting aggressive versus peaceful, nurturing content, with male or female sex of story protagonists held constant, or between pairs of videos featuring male versus female protagonists, with aggressive or peaceful story content held constant. Across countries/cultures, boys showed a strong preference for aggressive stories; girls for peaceful, nurturing ones. Again across countries/cultures, both sexes favored stories featuring protagonists of their own sex. However, the preference for same-sex story protagonists was particularly strong in American and Chinese girls. In comparison, American and Chinese boys showed only a moderate preference for male characters.
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An important developmental task of adolescents is to consider future possibilities and begin to make choices and plans. In this investigation, samples of 15‐year‐olds of both sexes from small towns in India, the United States, and Australia were asked to list seven important events they expected in the future, to indicate the approximate time that would elapse before the occurrence of each, and whether each was pleasant or unpleasant. Raters categorized responses for content. The two American samples, twelve years apart, were very similar in their responses. All groups listed predominantly pleasant events. Australian girls showed longer time spans than American girls; and Indian boys, but not girls, produced longer time spans than most of the Australians or Americans. A number of significant differences in the content of responses appeared.
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This study aimed to investigate gender representation in an English textbook series used in Hong Kong schools. The corpus software AntConc was used to analyse the collocations of gendered terms He/he, She/she, Man/man, Woman/woman, women, Boy/boy, Boys/boys, Girl, and Girls/girls in the textbook series in order to find out if gender stereotyping, which was a problem in previous studies (e.g., Cincotta, 1978; Sakita, 1995), is still an issue. The results of the study showed that females were no longer regarded as delicate or weak but stronger than males. In occupational roles, females were no longer portrayed only as housewives in the family, but they also worked in society. On the other hand, the stereotyped images of males wearing shorts, jeans or shirts and females putting on skirts or dresses still exist. In addition, while it was found that the male terms have more collocates and both males and females were imbued with positive characteristics, negative adjectives were only used to describe males and males were never described in terms of their physical attractiveness.
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Analysis of survey data from 326 undergraduates at a large southeastern university revealed significant differences between men and women in their sexual beliefs. Specifically, men were more likely to think that oral is not sex; that cybersex is not cheating, that men can't tell if a woman is faking orgasm and that frequency drops in marriage. Meanwhile, women tended to believe that oral is sex, that cybersex is cheating, that faking orgasm does occur and that frequency stays high in marriage. Little wonder there is frustration and disappointment between men and men as they include sexuality into their relationship. Implications and limitations of the data are suggested. ********** That men view differently from women is well established in US culture. Bill Clinton revealed this difference when he said, Because I could in answer to why he became sexually involved with Monica Lewinski. Her reaction to his answer was outrage. She reported that their relationship had meaning beyond stains on a dress and that Clinton had emotional feelings for her. This example illustrates that men and women sometimes view sexuality differently. How extensive is this difference? That men and women differ in sexual behavior is well established in the literature. In national data, based on interviews with 3,432 adults, men reported thinking about more often than women (54% vs. 19% respectively reported thinking about several times a day), having more sexual partners than women (5% vs. 2% respectively reported having had five or more sexual partners in the last year), and having orgasm during intercourse more often than women (75% vs. 29%) (Michael et al., 1994, 102, 128, 156). In regard to sexual values, O'Reilly et al. (2006) found that undergraduate men were three times more hedonistic (35% vs. 13%) than women. The current study sought to identify how men and women differed in their views of various sexual beliefs. Data and Analysis The data consisted of 326 undergraduates enrolled at a large southeastern university who voluntarily completed an anonymous 74 item questionnaire designed to assess beliefs about men, women, relationships and sexuality. This study focused on gender differences in beliefs held by university students about sexuality. Among the 326 respondents, 30% were men; 70% were women. The median age was 19 with a range of 17 to 58. Racial identification included 83.1% white, 12.6% African-American, and 4.3% who self identified as other. A typical profile of the respondents is that they were experienced in dating (had been in an average of 2 serious relationships) and currently dating an average of three times a month (usually the same person). Data analysis consisted of recoding Likert responses (1 = Strongly Disagree, 2 = disagree, 3 = Neither agree nor disagree, 4 = Agree and 5 = Strongly Agree) to disagree/agree categories and assessing male/female differences in common beliefs about sex. These beliefs included is not sex and Cybersex is not considered cheating on your partner. Responses were cross-classified with of respondent and assessed for significance using chi-square. Findings and Discussion Scoring a 1 on the Likert scale reflected strong disagreement and scoring a 5 reflected strong agreement. Following each belief, we will present the respective scores of the men and women respondents and the significance level of the difference. 1. Oral is not sex. Women scored 2.13: men scored a 2.6 (the higher the score the greater the belief that oral is not sex). US youth culture tends to believe that oral is not and studies support this view. In a study of 164 Canadian heterosexual students, less than 25% considered oral genital behavior to be having sex. However, 97% of these respondents considered a partner who had oral with someone else to be unfaithful (Randall and Byers, 2003). …
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