Cancer mortality in ethnic South Asian migrants in England and Wales (1993–2003): patterns in the overall population and in first and subsequent generations
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Cancer mortality has been examined among ethnic South Asian migrants in England and Wales, but not by generation of migration.Using South Asian mortality records, identified by a name-recognition algorithm, and census information, age-standardised rates among South Asians, and South Asian vs non-South Asian rate ratios, were calculated.All-cancer rates in ethnic South Asians were half of those in non-South Asians in first-generation (all-cancer-standardised mortality ratio (SMR) in males 0.51 and in females 0.56) and subsequent-generation South Asians (SMR in males 0.43 and in females 0.36). The higher mortality in first-generation South Asians for liver (both sexes), oral cavity and gallbladder cancer (females), particularly marked among Bangladeshis, was reduced in subsequent generations.In 1990, China conducted its fourth population census. The data will play a major role in China's national plan for economic and social development. The intention is to explore how the census data can be used to determine mortality indices by studying population mortality. The fourth census required reporting of the number of deaths in households from January 1, 1989, to June 30, 1990, in three time periods: the first half of 1989, the second half of 1989, and the first half of 1990. The key to the study of population mortality is to determine the age-specific mortality index for calculating another index such as either the age-specific average mortality rate or the age-specific mortality probability. Six different methods and 10% sample data from the 1990 national population census were used to obtain several national population mortality indices. Regarding the various mortality indices, methods 1 and 2 are extremely close, and 3-5 are relatively close. Methods 1 and 2 used the population mortality figure for the year 1989 in the census, whereas methods 3-5 used the population mortality figures for the second half of 1989 and the first half of 1990, and method 6 used only the population mortality figure for the fist half of 1990. From the mortality figure reports for the first half of 1989 to the first half of 1990 obtained from the sample, in the first half of 1989 there were 321,336, in the second half of 1989 there were 325,113, and in 1990 there were 376,568. Thus population mortality was 1.18% greater in the first half of 1989 than the second half of 1989, and the number of mortalities in the first half of 1990 was 15.83% greater than the second half of 1989, and 17.19% greater than the first half of 1989. Such great discrepancies in the reported mortality figures can only be explained by underreporting.
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This research aimed to quantify the racial disparities of COVID-19 for primarily positive tests and deaths across the US and territories individually and collectively. The first research hypothesis investigated whether positive cases and death rates were higher for people of color (POC) than the White ethnic group. The second hypothesis examined whether there is a significant difference in confirmed positive cases and death rates between ethnic groups across the US and territories. The third hypothesis investigated if political party control and governmental policies affected the number of cases and death proportion rates across ethnic groups. The research findings suggest that POC positive cases and death rates were higher in some states. Black ethnic groups were dying at a high rate in the southeastern states, the District of Columbia, and in Maryland. Specifically, in the District of Columbia, the death rate is five times higher than the White ethnic group. For Latinx ethnic groups, the high cases and death rates have mostly occurred in western states, including Texas. The Latinx ethnic group accounted for half the total deaths in Texas and California. The Latinx ethnic group death rate is higher than the White ethnic group in four states: Texas, California, New Mexico, and the District of Columbia. The research findings also show that the rate of deaths and cases per ethnic group for policies and political factors were significant except for the mask mandate policy. Based on the analyzed data, mask mandates were not a factor in the cases or death rates of any ethnic group. Each state's policies for bars, curfews, public schools, and travel-along with legislative party control-had the most influences across ethnic groups. The research results for the death rates and number of cases due to these implemented policies varied between ethnic groups.
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Total fertility rate
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Population projection
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This paper, based on the Fifth and Sixth National Population Census, compares the spatial distribution characteristics and special changes of two main ethnic groups, Uygur and Han in Xinjiang. The results show that both the two main ethnic groups have strong cohesiveness to dwell inside their ethnic communities while the integration of Uygur and Han communities is weaker and weaker, though the spatial distribution show a certain inter-embed in geographical spatial distribution of two ethnics with ethnic communities neighboring with each other. The aggregation of Uygur population is much higher than that of the Han population, while Han population's distribution is more dispersed than Uygur population.The cognition of the characteristics of the ethnic population's spatial distribution and aggregation boasts of important significance to ethnic policies to promote the inter-communications among ethnic population and the coordinated development of ethnic areas.
American Community Survey
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Multiple conditions are more prevalent in some minoritised ethnic groups and are associated with higher mortality rate but studies examining differential mortality once conditions are established is US-based. Our study tested whether the association between multiple conditions and mortality varies across ethnic groups in England.
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Advance results from the 1982 census of China are presented based on a 10 percent sample. Sections are included on age distribution, centenarians, marriage patterns, educational status, and the labor force. Several characteristics of China's population are described in this article, based on a 10% sampling tabulation of the production teams and resident groups of the whole country. Data are included for 100,380,000 people. The proportion of the population aged 0-14 is 33.60%, which marks a decline from figures in the 1964 census (40%). This decline is attributed to family planning and population control efforts. The median age is 22.91 years, which is 2.71 years older than that in the 1964 census. The % of the population aged 15-64 rose from 55.7% in 1964 to 61.5%. The dependency ratio dropped from 79.4% (1964) to 62.6%. There were 3,765 centenarians as of July, 1982; the overwhelming majority live in villages, and most (94.77%) are illiterate or semiliterate. The number of female centenarians is 2.4 times that of males. Marriages are comparatively stable in China. 63.6% of the population aged 15 and over are married, and .59% are divorced. The % of the population remaining single after age 50 is .21% for females, 2.97% for males. The average 1st marriage age is 22.80 years for females and 25.49 years for males. 60.35% of the people have had primary education or above; .44% are college graduates. In 1964, 33.58% of the population illiterate or semiliterate. At present, among people aged 12 and over, 31.90% are illiterate or semiliterate. The rural illiteracy rate is more than twice the urban rate. 51.94% of the total population is employed. Of these, 92.08% are engaged in manual labor. Males exceed females in all professions and occupations. The median age of the employed population is 30.84 years. The level of education among the employed is relatively low: 28.26% are illiterate or semiliterate, and 34.35% have had primary education only.
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Maori and Pacific deaths are under-counted in mortality data relative to census data. This 'numerator-denominator' bias means that routinely calculated mortality rates by ethnicity are incorrect. We used New Zealand Census-Mortality Study data to quantify the bias from 1981 to 1999.The 1981, 1986, 1991 and 1996 Censuses were each anonymously and probabilistically linked to three years of subsequent mortality data, allowing a comparison of ethnicity recording.Compared with death registrations, 16% more 0-74 year old decedents during 1981-1984 had self-identified as '1/2 or more Maori' on the 1981 Census, and 32% more during both 1986-1989 and 1991-1994 had self-identified as 'sole Maori' on the 1986 and 1991 Censuses. From September 1995, mortality data have allowed multiple ethnicity to be recorded. During 1996-1999, 7% more decedents identified Maori as one of their ethnic groups on the 1996 Census compared with mortality data. For Pacific decedents, 55%, 76% and 68% more self-identified as 'sole Pacific' on census data compared with data recorded on death registrations for 1981-1984, 1986-1989 and 1991-1994 respectively, but there was no difference for 1996-1999. The bias for Maori (but not for Pacific) was greater among the young and those living in central and southern regions of New Zealand.The 1995 change to ethnicity recording on mortality data has improved the robustness of ethnicity data collection. These adjustment factors for 1981-1999 allow for more accurate calculations of ethnic-specific mortality rates over the last 20 years.
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