“What do you think should be the two or three highest priority political outcomes of the United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development (Rio+20), scheduled for Rio de Janeiro in June 2012?”
Ben VanpeperstraeteSébastien DuyckMedani P. BhandariJānis BrizgaLeida RijnhoutSylvia LorekA. Peter CastroChiung Ting ChangHerman E. DalyRobert James DidhamGianluca FerraroOliver GreenfieldAshok KhoslaErnst Ulrich von WeizsäckerBirgit LodeSimon MilesHenrique PaciniSemida SilveiraLeisa PerchJaap RijnsburgerMukul SanwalSameera SavaralaSara ScherrKallidaikurichi E. SeetharamAli Mohamed AdeebDonna ShepherdAdrian SmithLisinka UlatowskaAlice VincentWerner John
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What do you think should be the two or three highest priority political outcomes of the United Nations Conference on Sustainable Development (Rio+20), scheduled for Rio de Janeiro in June 2012?This paper focuses on explaining "the disappearance of politics" from public space roughly a quarter century after the Velvet Revolution.From the perspective of the history of ideas it clarifies several terms, such as "apolitics", "anti-politics", "non-political politics" and "sub-politics," all of which are often used interchangeably in the contemporary Czech political discourse.It outlines the different origins and development of these terms, and how they have been applied in the past.It also shows the relationship between these terms and the issue of forming "civil society", as well as their role in "party democracy" and their current presence in the execution of political power in post-Communist countries.
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From the very beginning, the question of religious reform was so inextricably linked to political issues that it could never give rise to an unpolitical Reformation. Politics created complications at three levels, most of which overlapped: ecclesiastical, communal, and territorial-imperial politics.
Of Reformation
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Preface Introduction 1. Discovering Latina Women in Politics: Gender, Culture, and Participatory Theory 2. Making Connections 3. Collectivity Versus Hierarchy 4. Community and Citizenship 5. Political Consciousness: Being Political, Becoming Political 6. Constraints on Participation: The Impact of Structure and Sexism Conclusion Notes References Index Maps
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Contemporary discussions of Mid-Tudor politics are using the concept of “political culture” to bring nuance to our understanding of the politics of the era. Older debates about the nature of Tudor government have given way to explorations of how politics were shaped by the shared ideas, systems, and social values of the ruling elites and their subjects.
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he Fourth General Elections held in February 1967 constitute a watershed in the post-independence political history of India. The monolithic Congress regime and its haloed leadership had concealed both the many operational weaknesses and the basic inner strength and resilience of the Indian system. While strongly reaffirming the people's deep involvement in the democratic process, the electoral verdict shattered the Congress Party's virtual monopoly of political power. It also exposed the artificiality of the political stability, democratic maturity and parliamentary sophistication at which the system had appeared to be operating. Results of the fresh elections held in five of the seventeen States in February 1969 only carried the process a stage further. The most important developments in the post-1967 political and parliamentary scene in India were the formation of coalition governments of widely heterogeneous elements in several States and the numerous defections on the floor of the State legislatures which affected the fate of ministries and the course of politics. This phenomenon, the politics of defection as it is commonly called now, has several psychological and socionomic dimensions and is closely related to the dynamics of human relations and leadership processes. In the present paper, an endeavor has been made to study it objectively, as a psycho-sociological reality, in terms of simple political legitimacy and constitutional legality and in the context of some of the more identifiable legal, political and psychological variables in order to understand its motivations, implications and consequences and more particularly its impact on the problems, processes and prospects of parliamentary democracy in India. Of the sixteen States of the Union that went to the polls in 1967 (there were no elections in Nagaland) the Congress Party did not gain an absolute majority in eight and failed to form the government in seven. Even in those States in which the Congress retained control, its strength was much depleted and in several cases defection by a few members changed the Party's legislative majority into a minority. In seven of the eight States where Congress failed to win an absolute majority, however, no single party took its
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