Les quatre lectures du quantificateur beaucoup de

The aim of this paper is to analyze the semantic properties of the quantifier beaucoup de in subject NPs (Beaucoup de A sont В) and in il y a- sentences (II y a beaucoup de A qui sont B). The analysis accounts for four readings of beaucoup de: existential (cardinal, "weak") reading, proportional reading with respect to the set |A| ("strong" reading), proportional reading with respect to the set |B| , and a reading which is called predicative quantificational. The hypothesis defended is that beaucoup de contains an indefinite component on all its readings. Consequently, it always satisfies the criteria for qualifying as a weak quantifier. The arguments in favour of this hypothesis are based on a distinction between an extensional approach to the "weak" reading according to which the item beaucoup of the quantifier beaucoup de is a cardinal predicate (Ils sont beaucoup) and an intensional approach according to which the item beaucoup is treated as a quantificational predicate (II y en a beaucoup).