Event Plurality in the Romanian Supine: when D selects Asp

• Functional architecture of event nominals o Two classes of (complex, in the sense of Grimshaw 1990, otherwise A(rgument) S(tructure)) event nominals:  Nominals that project Aspect (as an expression of verbal plurality), precluding the realization of morphological Number – Romanian Supine, English Verbal Gerund (see e.g. Alexiadou et al 2010), and  nominals that do not project Aspect: the Romanian Infinitive or –tion nominalizations respectively ((1) illustrates the Supine/Infinitive contrast in Romanian)  This explains the plural contrast in (1), which contradicts one of Grimshaw's 1990 well-known generalizations about morphological plural in AS event nominals: some of them (in (1)a – the Romanian infinitive allow pluralization, and others don't)  Only some event nominals are Mass; others are count nominals.