Why Is Attributive “Heavy” Distributive?

Schwarzschild (2006, 2011) observes that adjectives like heavy are obligatorily distributive when attributive, but not when predicative. He proposes a non-monotonicity requirement on attributive modification which rules out the collective reading: because the dimension of weight is not allowed to be monotonic on the part–whole relation determined by the noun phrase, and a collective reading of attributive heavy will be monotonic, only the distributive reading is available. Here, we propose that non-monotonicity follows from the independently determined distributivity of certain attributive adjectives. In addition to dimension adjectives like heavy, evaluative adjectives like pretty also result in obligatory distributive readings when in attributive position, while allowing collective readings when predicative, despite the fact that they are non-monotonic on both readings. Other adjectives, e.g., numerous, are collective in attributive position, despite being monotonic. We propose that the requisite distributive reading with attributive heavy (and pretty) stems independently of non-monotonicity, and is due to the particular way the adjective’s comparison class is interpreted in the attributive position; the non-monotonicity of attributive heavy is then a consequence of distributivity.