Germany and Europe

T tHE point of view from which I approach the problem of Germany and Europe is that of the party to which I have the honour to belong, the German Social Democratic Party, which at present acts as the Opposition in the Federal Republic. I shall attempt to analyse three of the most pressing aspects of this problem: what solution of the European problem do the Social Democrats hope for; what is the real position of Germany today in relation to Europe; what should be our attitude if we are to make our full contribution to safeguarding peace? For naturally the preservation of peace with liberty must always be our first objective. Not even to realize claims we hold most sacred could we tolerate recourse to armed force; this also prevents us from recognizing as of right situations which owe their existence to the use of force. All Germans except Communists and fellow travellers are convinced that the solution to the problem of Germany and Europe is to establish the United States of Europe as soon as possible-a Europe united politically, economically, and constitutionally. This Europe could only be a union of free and completely equal nations; it could only be effective if it brings together an adequate number of nations (including Britain) to enable it to be self-sufficient, and to exchange enough of its products with those of other continents without imperilling either its independence or the moral, cultural, and political values which constitute the foundation of European society. This is the reason why we German Social Democrats refuse to entertain any project for establishing a European confederation without Great Britain and the Scandinavian countries; that is why we support the 'functional approach' so dear to the British. We believe that the countries of Europe should first make every effort to create economic and social conditions of the same standard as those of Britain and Scandinavia before these countries can be asked to form part of an international or supra-national entity with the Continent, to which they would have to cede some of their national sovereignty. Unless that is done, any union could only bring upon the British the unemployment which exists at present on the Continent. We do not believe in the 'Little Europe' solution because we are convinced that 'Little Europe' would act not as an incentive but as a deterrent to the realization of a United Europe that would be worthy of the name. Nor can we subscribe to a solution of the European problem based on the idea of the hegemony of any nation or group of nations, either open or disguised, political, economic, or military. A United Europe can only exist on the basis of nations with equal rights. Equality is the first condition for the -formation of a United Europe; it could not ensue as a consequence. Finally, we are opposed to any European 306