People have characteristic ways of perceiving others' personalities. When judging others on several traits, some perceivers tend to form globally positive and others tend to form globally negative impressions. These differences, often termed perceiver effects, have mostly been conceptualized as a static construct that taps perceivers' personal stereotypes about the average other. Here, we assessed perceiver effects repeatedly in small groups of strangers who got to know each other over the course of 2-3 weeks and examined the degree to which positivity differences were stable versus developed systematically over time. Using second-order latent growth curve modeling, we tested whether initial positivity (i.e., random intercepts) could be explained by several personality variables and whether change (i.e., random slopes) could be explained by these personality variables and by perceivers' social experiences within the group. Across three studies (ns = 439, 257, and 311), personality variables characterized by specific beliefs about others, such as agreeableness and narcissistic rivalry, were found to explain initial positivity but personality was not reliably linked to changes in positivity over time. Instead, feeling liked and, to a lesser extent, being liked by one's peers partially explained changes in positivity. The results suggest that perceiver effects are best conceptualized as reflecting personal generalized stereotypes at an initial encounter but group-specific stereotypes that are fueled by social experiences as groups get acquainted. More generally, these findings suggest that perceiver effects might be a key variable to understanding reciprocal dynamics of small groups and interpersonal functioning. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).
People’s beliefs about their personality, or how they typically think, feel, and behave, correspond somewhat to objective accuracy criteria. Yet recent research has highlighted the fact that there are many blind spots in self-knowledge and that these blind spots can have fairly negative consequences. What can people do to improve self-knowledge? The current article suggests that the construct of mindfulness, defined as paying attention to one’s current experience in a nonevaluative way, may serve as a path to self-knowledge. Specifically, mindfulness appears to directly address the two major barriers to self-knowledge: informational barriers (i.e., the quantity and quality of information people have about themselves) and motivational barriers (i.e., ego-protective motives that affect how people process information about themselves). This article reviews the available evidence supporting the hypothesis that mindfulness improves self-knowledge and outlines promising future directions that might firmly establish an empirical link between mindfulness and self-knowledge.
Social and personality psychologists are often interested in the extent to which similarity, agreement, or matching matters. The current article describes response surface analysis (RSA), an approach designed to answer questions about how (mis)matching predictors relate to outcomes while avoiding many of the statistical limitations of alternative, often-used approaches. We explain how RSA provides compressive and often more valid answers to questions about (mis)matching predictors than traditional approaches provide, outline steps on how to use RSA (including modifiable syntax), and demonstrate how to interpret RSA output with an example. To bolster our argument that RSA overcomes many limitations of traditional approaches (i.e., incomplete or misleading inferences), we compare results from four popular approaches (i.e., difference scores, residuals, moderated regression, and the truth and bias model) to those obtained from RSA. We discuss specific applications of RSA to social and personality psychology research.
This research aims to further our understanding of the processes of metaperception formation and meta-accuracy by introducing the positivity-specificity model to metaperception, which can be used to disentangle two components of trait metaperceptions: metapositivity (attitudes) and trait-specificity (substance). In two North American samples (Sample 1, N = 547; Sample 2, N = 553), we used the positivity-specificity model to investigate five important aspects of metaperceptions, namely the extent to which (a) metaperceptions reflect metapositivity versus trait-specificity, (b) metapositivity reflects attitudes about the self, (c) the effects of metapositivity and trait-specificity vary across traits and acquaintances, (d) metapositivity helps or hurts meta-accuracy, and (e) metapositivity and trait-specificity are accurate independent of self-perceptions. Overall, participants' ideas about how they were seen included attitudes and substance, but the relative contribution of each depended on the trait being judged and on how well they knew an acquaintance. Participants' ideas about how positively they were seen were related to how positively they saw themselves to varying degrees depending on how much they knew and liked their acquaintances. Participants were also accurate about how positively they were seen and about how they were seen on a given trait, independent of positivity and, with close acquaintances, independent of self-perceptions. The current work demonstrates how the positivity-specificity model can be used to investigate how people think about and have insight into the impressions they make on others. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).
The psychological profile of the moral person might depend on whose perspective is being used. Here, we decompose moral impressions into three components: a) Shared Moral Character (shared variance across self- and informant-reports), b) Moral Identity (how a person uniquely views their morality), and c) Moral Reputation (how others uniquely view that person’s morality). In two samples (total N = 458), we used an extended version of the Trait-Reputation-Identity model (McAbee & Connelly, 2016) to examine the extent to which each perspective accounts for the overall variance in moral impressions and the degree to which social and personal outcomes were associated with each perspective, controlling for method variance (i.e., positivity and acquiescence bias). Results suggest that moral character impressions are strongly influenced by positivity and largely idiosyncratic. All components were related to higher levels of agreeableness. For the most part, however, the three components had unique correlates: people higher in Shared Moral Character tended to have higher standings on conscientiousness and honesty-humility, were more respected, and donated more during an in-lab game; people higher in Moral Identity endorsed various moral foundations to a greater extent; and people higher in Moral Reputation valued the loyalty foundation less. These results demonstrate the value of considering multiple perspectives when measuring moral character.
Summary Exposure to violence has harmful psychological effects on adolescents, and when asked, inner-city adolescents will talk openly about violence in their lives. In response to a clinical self-assessment questionnaire, prospective adolescent mental health clients revealed high rates of exposure to physical, sexual, and community violence: 73.5% had witnessed violence, 43.6% had been a victim of violence, 26.4% had had their bodies touched in a way that made them feel uncomfortable, 24.4% had been threatened with a weapon, and 11.1% had experienced forced sex. Clients also expressed substantial worry about their own and their friends' dangerous behaviors. Desire to talk to a counselor about safety was significantly related to overall safety risk (p < .001), and over three-quarters of adolescents either wanted or needed to talk with a counselor. Age and gender differences in patterns of vulnerability and type of counseling need were explored. Key Words: Adolescentsafetyviolencemental healthhelp-seekingrisk
There are stable individual differences in how positive people’s impressions of others tend to be and these perceptual tendencies in turn shape behaviour. Using data from an experimental online photo-rating study (N = 303) and from an in-lab round-robin study (N = 156), we explored whether people have insight into how positive their impressions tend to be compared to others. Results from both studies suggest that people are aware of how positive their impressions tend to be relative to others. We discuss implications of having or lacking this form of self-knowledge.
