Journal Article The Economics of 1992: The E.C. Commission's Assessment of the Economic Effects of Completing the Internal Market Get access The Economics of 1992: The E.C. Commission's Assessment of the Economic Effects of Completing the Internal Market. By MICHAEL EMERSON et al. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1989. Pp. xv + 304. £27.50 hardback, £12.95 paperback. ISBN 0 19 8286813, 0 19 877294 7.) David G. Mayes David G. Mayes National Institute of Economic and Social Research Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The Economic Journal, Volume 99, Issue 398, 1 December 1989, Pages 1208–1210, https://doi.org/10.2307/2234110 Published: 01 December 1989
Conceptually, Global Matrix advances in a systematic and structured inter-disciplinary (matrix) framework a research agenda for examining the stance of major world actors on the key policy dimensions to world politics (political ideologies, economics, migration, climate change, security and world view); drawing out evidence of cross-cutting linkages (between sectors and among major actors); and evaluating the evolution and adequacy of existing multilateral institutions in relation to the emerging multi-polarity, and formulating recommendations.
Ever since Prime Minister David Cameron made his major speech on Europe on 23 January 2013, in which he argued for some kind of new deal between the UK and the EU, the rest of the EU as well as the British public have been wondering what he would actually propose in operational terms. On 15 March 2014, the Prime Minister offered at least an interim reply to these questions in an article in the Daily Telegraph newspaper. This paper extracts from the Daily Telegraph article the main ideas that the Prime Minister advances. In all, 10 propositions are identified, presented in the precise language used, followed by an appraisal.
The article has not attracted so much attention, mainly because its content is not particularly sensational, but that is its real importance and quality. It points the way towards resolving what otherwise would mean a huge political crisis for the UK and the EU. The Prime Minister gave the overall impression that he is not now heading towards making an impossibly difficult list of demands. On the contrary, an informed and moderate realism seems to be in the making. The package outlined in this paper could be sold in Brussels. There would then have to be a robust communications campaign to sell it to the British public.
This paper is part of a series for a CEPS-EPIN project on “The British Question and the Search for a Fresh European Narrative”, which is pegged to an ambitious ongoing exercise by the British government to review all the competences of the European Union. The intention is that this should provide a basis for informed debate before the referendum on the UK remaining in the EU or not, which is scheduled for 2017.
On June 4th, Obama will deliver his long-anticipated speech in Cairo, which is expected to convey a reconciliatory message to Arabs and Muslims across the world. As both the US and the EU are trying to reset their policies in the Middle East, the challenge of how to deal with the most important emerging actors in the region – Islamists – remains a matter of great controversy. In this book, Arab and European authors ask whether the EU's current policies are contributing to the radicalisation of Islamist movements in the Middle East and North Africa, and argue in favour of an EU policy based on inclusion.
This new Commentary by Michael Emerson and Hrant Kostanyan shows how the pressure exerted by President Putin on Armenia to withdraw from the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Agreement it had negotiated with the EU and to join the Belarus, Kazakhstan and Russia customs union is but the most recent in a long series of ongoing moves by Russia to destroy the Eastern Partnership. In their view, the message to be hammered home to those unsure of the economic arguments is that you do not have to have an exclusive customs union to enjoy deep integration for goods, services, people and capital, and of course even less for hard security relationships. High-quality free trade agreements are the logical instrument for those who want excellent relations with more than one big neighbour.
Michael Emerson asks in this latest CEPS Commentary: What next after the heady days of revolutionary euphoria in Tunis and Cairo? He observes that “now is that poignant moment of total uncertainty over the future, except for the certainty that the status quo cannot last much longer”. Inevitably, next comes the long haul of struggling democratic transitions, or other scenarios. He outlines four regime options for consideration by the various parties in the region.
The Transnistrian conflict emerged with the dissolution of the Soviet Union in the late 1980s. The two sides have been unable to agree on any of the proposals tabled by the international mediators, Russia, Ukraine and the OSCE. The EU played a negligible role during the first decade of the Transnistrian conflict, but has recently become more engaged. This was preceded by a growing emphasis on the EU and Europeanization in Moldovan political discourse. Disillusionment with the negotiating format has grown in Moldova, increasing support for Europeanization of Moldova independently of the settlement of the conflict. The EU engagement has led to a growing resentment towards the EU in Transnistrian political discourse. Differences among the major external actors have become more pronounced, with Russia disapproving of the ‘interference’ of the West and the growing engagement of the EU.
As opposed to the accompanying Brexit Withdrawal Agreement, to call the Political Declaration on the ‘future relationship’ between the UK and EU a ‘deal’ is premature writes Michael Emerson. The text foresees an Association Agreement, much along the lines of that between the EU and Ukraine. But it is non-binding, and brims with warnings that the degree of market access will depend on the extent to which the UK accepts EU rules. Completing the process can now realistically take up to four more years, during which the business climate in the UK will be plagued by continuing uncertainty. Moreover, the EU holds all the bargaining cards, since in the absence of agreement, the default outcome is a ‘no deal’ that would be disastrous for the UK. The prospect of prolonged uncertainty should give MPs pause, and perhaps constitutes a reason for the country to reflect again.
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