Schistosomiasis is considered to be the most common worldwide cause of pulmonary hypertension. At present there is no well-characterized animal model to study the pathobiology of this important condition.To develop a mouse model of schistosomiasis, characterize the extent of pulmonary vascular remodeling, and determine the potential role of inflammatory cytokines.Mice (C57/Bl6) were infected transcutaneously with a high dose (approximately 75-100 cercariae) or a low dose (approximately 30 cercariae) of Schistosoma mansoni, and the development of lung and liver pathology was studied in the subacute (high-dose) and chronic (low-dose) settings.In the subacute setting, mice showed few eggs in the lungs and no evidence of pulmonary vascular remodeling. In contrast, chronically infected animals had a much greater lung egg burden and developed marked pulmonary vascular remodeling accompanied by perivascular inflammation from 12 weeks onwards. In addition, we observed the presence of plexiform-like lesions in these mice. Lung egg burden correlated with both liver egg burden and right ventricular (RV) index in the chronic group, although significant RV hypertrophy was lacking. Plasma Th1 and Th2 cytokines increased with time in the chronic group and correlated with the degree of pulmonary vascular remodeling.This study provides evidence for extensive pulmonary vascular remodeling, despite the absence of RV hypertrophy, in a mouse model of schistosomiasis, including the formation of plexiform-like lesions. Inflammatory cytokines and lung egg burden may contribute to vascular lesion formation.
The total and differential cell counts of 135 bronchoalveolar lavages (BAL) in 48 heart-lung transplant (HLT) patients were compared with the histologic findings in concurrent transbronchial lung biopsies (TBBs). Counts of CD3+, CD4+, and CD8+ lymphocytes were recorded, and a semiquantitative assessment of HLA-DR and interleukin-2 receptor (IL-2R) expression was made on 29 occasions. There were five diagnostic categories: normal (n = 8), acute rejection (ALR) (n = 57), treated rejection (TR) (n = 19), infection (INF) (n = 24), and chronic rejection (CR) (n = 24). Total cell counts in INF were significantly higher than counts in all the other diagnostic groups. The highest BAL lymphocyte counts, significantly higher than in INF, were found in ALR because of increased CD8+ cells, exceeding 15% in 13 of 57 BALs. TBBs in ALR by contrast showed significantly increased numbers of both CD8+ and CD4+ cells. High dose corti-costeroid treatment of ALR caused a fall in cellularity of BAL and TBB specimens but not always to values seen when patients were well. During INF and CR, significantly increased numbers of PMNs were seen in the BAL. HLA-DR and IL-2R expression was enhanced in cells of BAL and TBB in all complications. BAL can only supplement at present histologic examination of TBB in the diagnosis of complications after HLT.
Das Thema der externen Demokratieförderung durch die EU steht zur Zeit ganz oben auf der politischen Agenda, ist aber durch die Wissenschaft bisher kaum systematisch analysiert worden. Im Rahmen ihrer Außenpolitik exportiert die EU ihr Modell legitimen demokratischen Regierens in Drittstaaten und agiert dort als externer Demokratisierer. Dabei orientiert sich die EU an den Werten der Demokratie, der Menschenrechte, der Rechtsstaatlichkeit und des »guten Regierens« (good governance), die sie in allen bi- und multilateralen Verträgen mit Drittstaaten einfordert. Mit unterschiedlichen Instrumenten und Strategien versucht sie, diese Werte in den Drittstaaten auch praktisch durchzusetzen, wobei empirische Studien belegen, dass dabei sehr unterschiedlich vorgegangen wird.
This study was commissioned by the Northeast Region of the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (USFWS) in support of the Comprehensive Conservation Planning at Prime Hook National Wildlife Refuge (Prime Hook NWR or Refuge). The National Wildlife Refuge Improvement Act of 1997 (Public Law 105-57, USC668dd) mandates a Comprehensive Conservation Plan (CCP) for every refuge in the system. A refuge CCP outlines goals, objectives, and management strategies for all refuge programs over the next 15 years, while providing opportunities for compatible, wildlifedependent public uses. The plan evaluates refuge wildlife, habitat, land protection, and visitor service priorities during the planning process. The National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA; Public Law 91-190:852-859.42, U.S.C. and as Amended (P.L. 94-52 and P.L. 94-83) 42 U.S.C. 4321-4347) mandates that the CCP for each refuge must contain an analysis of social and economic conditions (the affected environment) and evaluate social and economic results from likely management scenarios. In addition, public review and comment on alternatives for future management is required. To that end, this research was conducted by the Policy Analysis and Science Assistance Branch (PASA) of the U.S. Geological Survey/Fort Collins Science Center in order to determine how current and proposed CCP planning strategies for Prime Hook NWR could affect: Visitor use Visitor experiences Visitor spending Community residents’ perceptions and opinions Data for this study were collected using a survey administered to visitors to Prime Hook NWR and individuals living in the communities surrounding the Refuge. Surveys were randomly distributed to both consumptive and nonconsumptive use visitors over a one year period (September 2004 to September 2005) to account for seasonal variation in Refuge use. Three hundred thirty-two visitor surveys were returned for a response rate of 80 percent with a confidence interval of ± 5.4. Surveys were also distributed to a stratified random sample of community members in adjacent and surrounding areas (Slaughter Beach, Broadkill Beach, Prime Hook Beach, Milton, Lewes, Milford, and surrounding communities). Four hundred ninety-one surveys from the overall community sample were returned for a response rate of 39 percent with a ± 4.4 confidence interval. Community member results were weighted by U.S. Census Bureau data to correct for age and gender bias, and for community proportionality.
Der Aufsatz geht zwei Strangen des Diskurses zum Thema Sprache in der Ukraine nach und versucht zu erklaren, weshalb die Sprachenfrage einerseits immer wieder Argwohn hervorruft und keine Einigung daruber erzielt worden ist, wahrend andererseits die Spannungen, welche die Sprachensituation generiert hat, bislang nicht zu ernsthaften politischen oder gesellschaftlichen Spaltungen gefuhrt haben. Die Analyse geht von der Existenz zweier Elitendiskurse aus, die einen jeweils unterschiedlichen Aspekt des Sprachgebrauchs akzentuieren. Nach einer Untersuchung dieser Diskurse wird sowohl nach der Rolle der ukrainischen Regierung im Sprachenstreit als auch nach dem Verhaltnis zur Sprache in der Gesellschaft gefragt. Bei einer Analyse des jeweiligen Diskurses wird deutlich, das die Ukrainophonen die Verbindung zwischen Sprachgebrauch und staatlicher Sicherheit betonen, wahrend die Russischsprachigen dies ablehnen bzw. ignorieren und stattdessen die Bedeutung der Sprache fur ihre kollektive kulturelle Entwicklung hervorheben. Die Haltung der ukrainischen kulturellen Elite stellt uber die Verbindung von Sprache und Nation einen Zusammenhang zwischen Sprache und der Existenz des Staates her, der durch ukrainophone Reaktionen auf regionale Aufwertungsversuche des Russischen deutlich wird. Die Entwicklung der russischen Kultur (die eine sprachliche Komponente enthalt) wird daher als Bedrohung wahrgenommen. Die Russischsprachigen versuchen andererseits, die parallele Koexistenz der russischen und der ukrainischen Sprache und Kultur darzulegen, um einen besonderen Status des Russischen bzw. seinen fortgesetzten Gebrauch im Bildungsbereich und in den Medien zu rechtfertigen. Eine Analyse des Verhaltnisses der russischsprachigen Elite zur Ruslandischen Foderation ergibt, das die russischsprachige kulturelle Elite der Ukraine von der mangelnden Unterstutzung Ruslands enttauscht ist und die eigene Zukunft als Staatsangehorige der Ukraine sieht.
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