List of tables List of figures Preface Part I. The News Media and Civic Malaise: 1. The news media and democracy 2. Evaluating media performance 3. Understanding political communications Part II. Trends in Political Communication: 4. The decline of newspapers? 5. The rise (and fall?) of the television age 6. The emerging internet era 7. The evolution of campaign communications 8. The rise of the post-modern campaign? Part III. The Impact on Democracy: 9. Negative news, negative public? 10. Knows little? Information and choice 11. Cares less? Cynical media, cynical public? 12. Stays home? Political mobilization 13. American exceptionalism? 14. A virtuous circle? Technical appendix Notes Select bibliography Author index Subject index.
The earliest studies of political behavior in Western Europe and North America established gender as one of the standard variables routinely used to explain levels of electoral turnout, party membership, and protest activism, alongside the most powerful predictors of age and education. Based on a seven-nation comparative study of different dimensions of political participation conducted during the 1970s, ranging from voting turnout to party membership, contact activity, and community organizing, Verba, Nie, and Kim concluded: “In all societies for which we have data, sex is related to political activity; men are more active than women.” During the same era, Barnes and colleagues (1979) found that women were also less engaged in unconventional forms of participation, such as strikes and demonstrations. The literature suggested that the well-established gender gap in many common forms of political participation remained evident during the 1980s and early 1990s in many countries around the world – even in the United States and Western Europe, where women have been enfranchised with full citizenship rights for decades. Nevertheless, given all the other substantial changes in women's and men's lives that have already been documented, we would expect to find evidence that some of these gender differences have gradually diminished or even disappeared over time, with women becoming more active, especially among the younger generations in affluent modern societies.
The glacial pace of change in improving women’s representation in Parliament and British government has provoked some of the first substantial controversy querying what’s really changed in the coalition government’s ‘new style of politics’. Pippa Norris reviews the evidence of the UK’s lagging efforts to combat gender inequality in political life.
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The first ECPR-IPSA World of Political Science survey (WPS-2019), conducted in conjunction with the European Consortium of Political Research (ECPR) and the International Political Science Association (IPSA), was implemented by Pippa Norris in spring 2019. This second study, WPS-2023, seeks to update the evidence, to pursue new themes, and to provide a representative profile of the political science profession across the globe. It has been designed to gather information about multiple aspects within the discipline, including 1. Nation of current work or study; 2. Academic work experiences, satisfaction, and perceptions; 3. Ideological values; 4. Equality, diversity and inclusion within the discipline; 5. Experience and perceptions of academic freedom; 6. Preferences for in-person or online communications; 7. Their background characteristics, including socio-demographic, educational qualifications, institutional contexts, methods and sub-fields; 8. Academic geographic mobility; and 9. The macro-level national context of academic and media freedom within each society of work or study, from V-Dem 13.0. Overall 1,989 valid responses were collected online between 29 November 2022 and 31 January 2023. This included replies from respondents who were political scientists currently studying or working in 103 countries worldwide.
Opening session: Populist challenges to cosmopolitan values in Europe.
Opening remarks by Gustavo Palomares, Political Science UNED Dean and Charles Powell, Elcano Royal Institute Director.
?Populist challenges to cosmopolitan values in Europe?, conference by Pippa Norris, Professor at KSG Harvard University and co-authour of ?Cultural Backlash?.
Societies around the world have experienced a flood of information from diverse channels originating beyond local communities and even national borders, transmitted through the rapid expansion of cosmopolitan communications. For more than half a century, conventional interpretations, Norris and Inglehart argue, have commonly exaggerated the potential threats arising from this process. A series of firewalls protect national cultures. This book develops a new theoretical framework for understanding cosmopolitan communications and uses it to identify the conditions under which global communications are most likely to endanger cultural diversity. The authors analyze empirical evidence from both the societal level and the individual level, examining the outlook and beliefs of people in a wide range of societies. The study draws on evidence from the World Values Survey, covering 90 societies in all major regions worldwide from 1981 to 2007. The conclusion considers the implications of their findings for cultural policies.
Abstract The composition of the directly elected European Parliament does not precisely reflect the ‘real’ balance of political forces in the European Community. As long as the national political systems decide most of what there is to be decided politically, and everything really important, European elections are additional national second‐order elections. They are determined more by the domestic political cleavages than by alternatives originating in the EC, but in a different way than if nine first‐order national elections took place simultaneously. This is the case because European elections occur at different stages of the national political systems’ respective ‘electoral cycles’. Such a relationship between a second‐order arena and the chief arena of a political system is not at all unusual. What is new here, is that one second‐order political arena is related to nine different first‐order arenas. A first analysis of European election results satisfactorily justifies the assumption mat European Parliament direct elections should be treated as nine simultaneous national second‐order elections.
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