Three-hundred-and-twenty six undergraduates at a large south-eastern university completed a confidential anonymous 74-item questionnaire designed to assess beliefs about men, women, and relationships held by university students. This study focused on the data regarding gender differences in beliefs about men. Women were significantly more likely than men to believe that all men cheat on their partners at least once, that a man not call when he says he that men would rather live with a woman than marry her, that men think more about sex than women, that men care more about a woman's appearance, and that men have poorer communication skills than women. Implications and limitations of the data are suggested. ********* All men cheat, man won't call when he says he will, and would rather live together than get married are examples of beliefs commonly held about men. These beliefs permeate our culture and, in the absence of a sustained Men's Movement (Farrell, 1986) and few Men's Studies Programs, are rarely challenged. Indeed, little research has been conducted on attitudes toward men. An exception is research by Maltby and Day (2001) who identified personality correlates associated with attitudes toward men. They found, for example, that women high in femininity WERE more likely to have positive attitudes toward men. Twenty years ago Iazzo (1983) developed an Attitudes Toward Men Scale, which has been used rarely. The current study attempted to provide new research on attitudes toward men, specifically to identify gender dif ferences in beliefs commonly held about men. Data and Analysis The data consisted of 326 undergraduates enrolled at a large southeastern university who voluntarily completed an anonymous 74 item questionnaire designed to assess beliefs about men, women, and relationships held by university students. This study focused on the data regarding gender differences in beliefs about men. Among the respondents, 69.9% were women; 30.1% were men. The median age was 19 with a range of 17 to 58. Racial identification included 83.1% white, 12.6% African-American, and 4.3% who self identified as other. A typical profile of the respondents is that they were experienced in dating (had been in an average of 2 serious relationships) and currently dating an average of three times a month (usually the same person). Data analysis consisted of recoding Likert responses to 12 stereotypical items about men such as All men cheat on their partner's at least once and man not call when he says he will into the categories of agreement and disagreement. Such responses were cross-classified with sex of respondent and assessed for significance using chi-square. Findings and Discussion Analysis of the data comparing women and men on beliefs about men revealed six significant differences. 1. Men cheat. Women were significantly (p 2. Men won't call. Women were significantly (p
Three-hundred-and-twenty six undergraduates at a large southeastern university completed a confidential anonymous 74-item questionnaire designed to assess beliefs about men, women, and relationships held by university students. This study focused on the data regarding gender differences in beliefs about women. Men were significantly more likely than women to believe that women not married by age 30 are unhappy and depressed, that most women assume men can read their minds, that women are that women with red hair are more fiery and saucy, that women would rather get married than live together, that women are focused on that women are possessive, and that women are manipulative. Implications and limitations of the data are suggested. ********** Unmarried women are unhappy, are focused on money, and are controlling, are examples of beliefs commonly held about women. Although these beliefs permeate our society/culture and Women's Studies Programs have grown quantitatively in programs, faculty, and students (Boxer, 1998; Feminist Press, [1994] 1997; Moghadam, 2001), there is an absence of challenging specific beliefs commonly held about women. The Attitudes toward Feminism Scale (Lott, 1973) has been used in few research studies. The current study attempted to provide new research on beliefs about women with an emphasis on any gender differences. Data and Analysis The data consisted of 326 undergraduates enrolled at a large southeastern university who voluntarily completed an anonymous 74 item questionnaire designed to assess beliefs about men, women, and relationships held by university students. This study focused on the data regarding gender differences in beliefs about women. Among the respondents, 69.9% were women; 30.1% were men. The median age was 19 with a range of 17 to 58. Racial identification included 83.1% white, 12.6% African-American, and 4.3% who self identified as other. A typical profile of the respondents is that they were experienced in dating (had been in an average of 2 serious relationships) and currently dating an average of three times a month (usually the same person). Data analysis consisted of recoding Likert responses to 15 stereotypical items about women such as are looking for money not love and Woman are possessive into the categories of agreement and disagreement. Such responses were cross-classified with sex of respondent and assessed for significance using chi-square. Findings and Discussion Analysis of the data comparing women and men on beliefs about women revealed eight significant differences. 1. Women not married by age 30 are unhappy and depressed. Men were significantly (p Other data have suggested that it is men, not women who suffer from being unmarried. In national study of 36,142 individuals between the ages of 25 and 64, researchers compared the mortality of singles and marrieds and found that unmarried males exhibited high mortality from social pathologies--accidents, suicide, homicide, and cirrhosis of the liver--and from diabetes, causes of death most affected by smoking, drinking, risk-taking behavior, and neglect of medical regimens (Rogers, 1995). …
Three-hundred-and-twenty six undergraduates at a large southeastern university completed an anonymous 74-item questionnaire designed to assess beliefs about men, women, and relationships. Significant differences between men's and women's beliefs about romantic relationships were found on eight of 14 items. Men were significantly more likely to believe that cohabitation improves marriage, that bars are good places to meet a potential mate, that men control relationships, and that people will cheat if they feel they will not be caught. In contrast, women were significantly more likely to believe that is more important than factors like age and race in choosing a mate, that couples stop trying after they marry, and that women know when their men are lying. Implications and limitations of the data are suggested. ********** Couples that live together first have a happier marriage. Couples stop working on relationships when they get married. Women want to control men. These are some examples of beliefs about romantic relationships commonly held by Americans today. Despite the problems that many Americans have maintaining satisfactory marriages, as evidenced by the roughly 4 in 10 marriages ending in divorce (Hawkins, et al., 2002) and the 1 in 5 reporting domestic violence (Field and Caetano, 2005), Americans are romantics at heart. Most of us marry (many more than once). look forward to doing so, in spite of the erosion of the traditional supports and institutions for courtship and mate selection witnessed in recent decades. Romantic relationships continue to be a focus of researchers (Hampel and Vangelisti, 2008; Koenig et al., 2008; Lincoln et al., 2008). How people think and feel about these relationships is often influenced by the unrealistic portrayals of and romance on television (Sex in the City), in movies (Juno), and in popular music (So Small by Carried Underwood). College students use television and other mass media for everything from ideas on sexual expectations in romantic relationships to images of marital happiness (Aubrey, et al., 2003; Westman, et al., 2003). Beyond the influence of the media, there is another, broader cultural context shaping romantic relationships today: gender. Gender socialization and consequent gender ideology create different scripts that define expectations and understandings of romantic relationships (DeLucia-Waack, et al., 2001; Laner, 1995) leading to persistent differences in definitions of (Hendrick, et al., 1984; Sprecher and Toro-Morn, 2002). That men and women use different cultural scripts is at the heart of Gray's blockbuster bestseller on men from mars and women from venus (1992), however distorted his presentation (Sollie, 2003). Indeed, we live in a society that has high, often unrealistic, expectations about romance and high ideals for both partners and romantic relationships (Fletcher, et al., 1999). seek the sexual chemistry and attraction of a passionate love while instantly expecting the security, intimacy and comfort that comes from a companionate love that develops only over time (Regan, 2003). These expectations, combined with the pressures of living in a geographically mobile, multicultural, and largely secularized society, have changed our view of romantic relationships and our ideas about appropriate In particular, as Laner (1995,9) notes, We place a relatively low value on broader considerations such as family or community, compared with the value that we place on emotional intensity between believe, that, as individuals, we know best what traits and qualities we want in our partners. rarely seek help from traditional courtship structures; rather, we seek romantic partners on our own in other venues. In these, our most intimate and closest relationships, the stakes are highest. And yet it is in this area where we have the least practical preparation. …
Analysis of survey data from 326 undergraduates at a large southeastern university revealed significant differences between men and women in their sexual beliefs. Specifically, men were more likely to think that oral is not sex; that cybersex is not cheating, that men can't tell if a woman is faking orgasm and that frequency drops in marriage. Meanwhile, women tended to believe that oral is sex, that cybersex is cheating, that faking orgasm does occur and that frequency stays high in marriage. Little wonder there is frustration and disappointment between men and men as they include sexuality into their relationship. Implications and limitations of the data are suggested. ********** That men view differently from women is well established in US culture. Bill Clinton revealed this difference when he said, Because I could in answer to why he became sexually involved with Monica Lewinski. Her reaction to his answer was outrage. She reported that their relationship had meaning beyond stains on a dress and that Clinton had emotional feelings for her. This example illustrates that men and women sometimes view sexuality differently. How extensive is this difference? That men and women differ in sexual behavior is well established in the literature. In national data, based on interviews with 3,432 adults, men reported thinking about more often than women (54% vs. 19% respectively reported thinking about several times a day), having more sexual partners than women (5% vs. 2% respectively reported having had five or more sexual partners in the last year), and having orgasm during intercourse more often than women (75% vs. 29%) (Michael et al., 1994, 102, 128, 156). In regard to sexual values, O'Reilly et al. (2006) found that undergraduate men were three times more hedonistic (35% vs. 13%) than women. The current study sought to identify how men and women differed in their views of various sexual beliefs. Data and Analysis The data consisted of 326 undergraduates enrolled at a large southeastern university who voluntarily completed an anonymous 74 item questionnaire designed to assess beliefs about men, women, relationships and sexuality. This study focused on gender differences in beliefs held by university students about sexuality. Among the 326 respondents, 30% were men; 70% were women. The median age was 19 with a range of 17 to 58. Racial identification included 83.1% white, 12.6% African-American, and 4.3% who self identified as other. A typical profile of the respondents is that they were experienced in dating (had been in an average of 2 serious relationships) and currently dating an average of three times a month (usually the same person). Data analysis consisted of recoding Likert responses (1 = Strongly Disagree, 2 = disagree, 3 = Neither agree nor disagree, 4 = Agree and 5 = Strongly Agree) to disagree/agree categories and assessing male/female differences in common beliefs about sex. These beliefs included is not sex and Cybersex is not considered cheating on your partner. Responses were cross-classified with of respondent and assessed for significance using chi-square. Findings and Discussion Scoring a 1 on the Likert scale reflected strong disagreement and scoring a 5 reflected strong agreement. Following each belief, we will present the respective scores of the men and women respondents and the significance level of the difference. 1. Oral is not sex. Women scored 2.13: men scored a 2.6 (the higher the score the greater the belief that oral is not sex). US youth culture tends to believe that oral is not and studies support this view. In a study of 164 Canadian heterosexual students, less than 25% considered oral genital behavior to be having sex. However, 97% of these respondents considered a partner who had oral with someone else to be unfaithful (Randall and Byers, 2003). …
The relationship between creativity and various mind‐altering substances — especially alcohol — has been a popular topic among creativity researchers and the public at large. Yet experimental studies have found little evidence that alcohol use has a causal influence on creativity, with most studies of creative production showing negative or neutral effects. However, the impact of high levels of creativity on future alcohol use (i.e., the reciprocal relationship) has been rarely studied. The present study examined the relationship between creative personality characteristics, use of alcohol, tobacco, and marijuana, and alcohol‐related beliefs among 431 undergraduates. Results of correlational and t‐test analyses suggest that creative personality is not significantly correlated with use of these three controlled substances, and that the relationships between personality scores and self‐reported beliefs about alcohol are generally weak, with notable exceptions. The paper concludes with specific recommendations regarding research on the relationship between creativity and the use of controlled‐substances.
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