Dando continuidad a la realización de escritos sobre los riesgos laborales en la práctica formativa, como es el libro titulado Control de Riesgos Ocupacionales en Prácticas Formativas en Salud, que permite a algunas disciplinas de salud identificar situaciones de riesgo durante su desempeño laboral, el siguiente texto amplia la información a otras disciplinas, describiendo los peligros a los que se exponen, dando a conocer las fuentes generadoras del mismo, los efectos y los mecanismos de prevención ante la situación y permitiendo reducir indicadores de riesgos laborales de los estudiantes del área de la salud. Lo anterior está sustentado en estudios donde se registran altas frecuencias de accidentes en ciertas ocupaciones y, aunque la severidad no ha sido alta, es importante estar alerta por las consecuencias que pueden ocasionar.
This paper investigates whether the gender composition of national legislatures in donor countries impacts the level, composition, and pattern of foreign aid. We provide evidence that the election of female legislators leads countries to increase aid both in total and as a percentage of GDP. Consistent with existing research examining domestic expenditures, we find that the empowerment of women in national legislatures is associated with a reallocation of aid flows in favor of education and health-related projects. These increased flows occur predominately through bilateral aid and reflect a redistribution of aid towards developing countries.
This article investigates women’s economic, political, and social rights in both home and destination countries as potential push and pull factors of female migration. Using a bilateral framework including 104 origin countries and 28 destination countries for the years 1990 and 2000, we document that for female migrants with various levels of education, when women’s economic and social rights at home improve, they are less likely to leave, but women’s political rights are a push factor. Women’s economic rights in destination countries attract female migrants of all education levels but more so those with a tertiary education. Also, women’s political rights in destination countries are a pull factor, but women’s social rights are not.
This paper investigates the extent to which the election of Evo Morales and the MAS party is associated with a redistribution of economic resources in favor of indigenous populations in Bolivia. We employ household surveys over the period 2000-2013 and a difference-in-differences framework to study changes in the income distribution. While the analysis period has been one of rapid economic expansion for Bolivia, we show that indigenous groups exhibit significantly higher than average income and expenditure growth in the post-election period, closing roughly one-quarter of the income gap with non-indigenous households. These benefits appear to accrue for most indigenous populations and we find no robust evidence of a preferential impact on any one specific indigenous group. We corroborate these findings with placebo tests and with estimates of economic activity from satellite measures of night-time lighting paired with census maps of ethnic composition.
Objectives Research has shown that government spending can affect GDP growth rates, yet there is no comprehensive study that looks at how a country's choice of political institutions affects government spending. This article focuses on how the choice of regime type (presidential, parliamentary, or mixed), legislative chamber structure (bicameral or unicameral), legislative chamber size, and electoral rules affect the level of government spending. Methods The methodology used is pooled ordinary least squares for an unbalanced panel of 92 democracies between 1975 and 2007. Results The results show that the relationship between legislative chamber size and government spending is linear in unicameral countries but nonlinear in bicameral countries, plurality electoral rule is always associated with less spending than any other type of electoral rule, and unicameral and bicameral countries should not be modeled together. Conclusions While countries that have long‐standing political institutions are less likely to change the characteristics of those political institutions in order to change the level of government spending, the results of this article suggest that countries that are establishing new political institutions (e.g., South Sudan and Libya) stand to benefit from knowing what types of institutions are conducive for growth.
A growing body of research connects short-run deviations in weather with violence. Less well understood are the impacts of medium and long-run climate fluctuations. We follow the approach of Hsiang, Meng, and Cane (2011, Science) in using the existing climactic forces of El Niño and La Niña to analyze the consequences of climate change. We show that El Niño events elevate, while La Niña periods reduce subsequent civil unrest, and that these changes occur only among countries whose weather is susceptible to these climate cycles. This connection is pronounced in Latin America, and where strong democracies are present, they appear less vulnerable to climate induced unrest. Our findings suggest a critical need to further develop political and social infrastructure to cope with these evolving challenges.
We investigate whether developing nations are rewarded by donor countries and multilateral aid organizations for improving women's outcomes. If donors reallocate accordingly, their decisions could incentivize developing countries to improve gender outcomes on their own. Using dyadic aid flows over the period 1991–2010, we document that improvements in women's political rights and participation, as well as economic participation, are associated with increases in bilateral aid receipts. Despite their stated emphasis on women, we do not observe similar reallocations in aid by many multilateral organizations in response to gender outcomes.
Latin America is a region characterized by a turbulent political history and a marked dependence on commodity exports. Constructing a new panel dataset covering most of the 20 th century, I examine how international prices for Latin America's principal exports influenced political unrest. I document a significant association between prices and subsequent political unrest. The results suggest that political dissidents behave rationally, choosing from a menu of protest activities. Specifically, higher export prices are associated with a lower likelihood of violent protest and a higher probability of peaceful demonstration, consistent with higher opportunity cost discouraging dissidents from undertaking riskier protest activities. This pattern is especially true for the price of commodities which produce diffuse rents which are less easily extracted by the state.