Transitions to parenthood continue to lead to highly gendered work-care divisions in heterosexual couples. Fathers usually specialise in paid work, while mothers typically specialise in unpaid domestic (care) work. Scholars have argued that this pattern results (1) from couples’ efficient specialisation, and/or (2) from bargaining outcomes determined by one partner’s comparative earnings advantage. According to both lines of reasoning, the mother specialises in unpaid (care) work while the father specialises in paid work because the father is the more productive earner. However, the results of longitudinal research indicate that even when the mother has a comparative earnings advantage, this has little effect on the work-care divisions new parents adopt. Whereas specialisation proponents attribute this pattern to women having a comparative advantage in the domestic sphere, bargaining proponents assume that the bargaining position of women is weakened due to motherhood. This chapter offers a sociological reframing of the comparative advantage mechanism. Whether couples specialise in economically efficient ways depends on interactions between the gender of the partner with the earnings advantage and internalised parenting norms.
The authors argue, in line with recent research, that operationalizing gender ideology as a unidimensional construct ranging from traditional to egalitarian is problematic and propose an alternative framework that takes the multidimensionality of gender ideologies into account. Using latent class analysis, they operationalize their gender ideology framework based on data from the 2008 European Values Study, of which eight European countries reflecting the spectrum of current work-family policies were selected. The authors examine the form in which gender ideologies cluster in the various countries. Five ideology profiles were identified: egalitarian, egalitarian essentialism, intensive parenting, moderate traditional, and traditional. The five ideology profiles were found in all countries, but with pronounced variation in size. Ideologies mixing gender essentialist and egalitarian views appear to have replaced traditional ideologies, even in countries offering some institutional support for gendered separate spheres.
This chapter discusses the methodological choices which provide the foundations for this edited volume. The methods applied have been chosen to disentangle the interrelationship between the individual and institutional factors contributing to the gendered division of labour. These factors come together in complex ways to produce and to some extent exaggerate a gendered transition to parenthood, as biological, social and institutional aspects reinforce each other, and thus contribute to gendered constructions of motherhood and fatherhood. The analyses that this book is based on are drawn from semi-structured interviews with working couples expecting their first child in eight European countries. The qualitative approach used allows for an in-depth analysis of men's and women's various experiences and struggles during this transition. We first outline the maximum variation design reflected in the selection of countries, then turn to the theory-based homogenous sampling strategy underlying the recruitment of couples and elaborate on the advantages of applying a linked lives perspective. Finally, we describe the central features of the 167 couples analysed in this volume.
The research question spurring this edited volume was why European couples living fairly egalitarian lives adopt traditional gender practices at the transition to parenthood. Based on in-depth interviews with 167 couples in eight European countries, this chapter pulls the findings from the different country studies together and draws conclusions in light of the conceptual framework and the guiding research question. The interviews illustrate how parents-to-be enacted agency in diverse institutional and social contexts. The chapter highlights the role of family policies in the couples' struggle to adapt to, or resist, socially desired paths and patterns of change during the transition to parenthood. We discuss the findings concerning these macro-micro links in comparative perspective, focusing on mothering and fathering ideals, the dominant gender culture, family policies and the policy-culture gaps that arise when the gender culture does not correspond with existing family policies. Our findings suggest that gendered preferences of work-care divisions partly result from country-specific interplays of the dominant gender culture and family policies. Dominant ideas about 'naturally becoming' a mother were followed by a perceived need to actively socially construct fatherhood. Institutions further shaped ideas about working mothers and the extent to which mothers-to-be – but not fathers-to-be – had resigned to the idea that their career would have to suffer as they became parents. The ways in which institutional structures limited possible choices and beliefs about 'how to do things right' were linked in ways that often went unnoticed by the couples themselves. As a result, those struggling to live up to the dominant gender culture not only experienced uncertainty about the future, they also often blamed themselves for not being the kind of parents (often mothers) that they desired to be. Contrary to the construction that these are individual or individuals' issues, the comparative evidence suggests that many of the gendered choices and resulting problems encountered by parents-to-be have an institutional foundation. In essence, our comparative findings highlight the need for family policies to offer working mothers a minimum of six months of financially compensated leave, in line with World Health Organization breastfeeding advice, the need for reliable childcare following the period of paid care leave for parents, and a combination of income related compensation and legally enforced job guarantees as a precondition for fathers to consider claiming care leave. Given the high number of self-employed in some countries, we find it important that job guarantees apply to all women and men irrespective of the type of employment contract, as suggested by the EU directive on parental leave (Council directive 2010/18/EU). Elucidating these links between gendered processes of identity construction, couples' work-care plans and the policy-culture gap is thus the main contribution of this book.