If political parties are to play their essential role in our democracy, we must ensure that they are funded appropriately. A recent report into party financing concludes that if we want to reduce donations, we have to cap them and therefore also extend public funding of parties. Justin Fisher fears that these radical conclusions will be largely ignored by government who are against any increase in the public funding of parties at this time of economic crisis.
Objectives To study the feasibility of transmitting full-length diagnostic-quality echocardiograms with video conferencing systems linked by ISDN. Methods Forty-three previously video-recorded full-length echocardiograms (22 complete two-dimensional Doppler studies, 21 separate M-mode studies) were transmitted from a site 30 miles distant using desktop video conferencing systems linked with one ISDN line (128 kbps). Blinded interpretations of the original recorded and transmitted studies were made by two pediatric cardiologists (two-dimensional Doppler) and a pediatric sonographer (M-mode). Results Diagnoses of normal (N = 12) and abnormal (N = 10) conditions were made from the original tapes; the same interpretations were made from the transmitted studies. Twenty-one specific abnormalities in the 10 abnormal studies were seen on both original and transmitted videotapes. These abnormalities ranged from simple congenital heart defects, including ventricular septal defect, a trial septal defect, and patent ductus arteriosus, to complex ones, such as coronary artery fistula, double-outlet right ventricle, and complete atrioventricular canal. Qualitatively, there was mild degradation in gray scale, brightness, and contrast of the images. Six M-mode variables from the transmitted images had excellent concordance with the original tracings (P = 0.506 to 0.838; r = 0.86 to 0.97). Conclusions Although our sample size was small, this preliminary experience indicates that video conferencing equipment utilizing ISDN technology is a reliable method for transmitting full-length diagnostic-quality echocardiographic studies from remote sites. This technology may have a significant impact on the management of pediatric patients with suspected heart disease. Further evaluation is warranted.
Dijksterhuis and van Knippenberg (1998) reported that participants primed with a category associated with intelligence (“professor”) subsequently performed 13% better on a trivia test than participants primed with a category associated with a lack of intelligence (“soccer hooligans”). In two unpublished replications of this study designed to verify the appropriate testing procedures, Dijksterhuis, van Knippenberg, and Holland observed a smaller difference between conditions (2%–3%) as well as a gender difference: Men showed the effect (9.3% and 7.6%), but women did not (0.3% and −0.3%). The procedure used in those replications served as the basis for this multilab Registered Replication Report. A total of 40 laboratories collected data for this project, and 23 of these laboratories met all inclusion criteria. Here we report the meta-analytic results for those 23 direct replications (total N = 4,493), which tested whether performance on a 30-item general-knowledge trivia task differed between these two priming conditions (results of supplementary analyses of the data from all 40 labs, N = 6,454, are also reported). We observed no overall difference in trivia performance between participants primed with the “professor” category and those primed with the “hooligan” category (0.14%) and no moderation by gender.
This article examines changes in the nature of constituency campaigning in Britain over the four general elections between 1992 and 2005. Using quantitative scales of traditional and modern forms of campaigning, the analysis suggests that, in general, traditional campaigning has declined in importance and that there has been increasing reliance on modern techniques. The article then considers the relative impact of more modern and more traditional campaigns on party vote share and electoral turnout. It shows that, in general, traditional campaigning tends to yield greater electoral payoffs, but that the positive impact of modern campaigning techniques upon turnout is growing.
The word ‘scandal’ is much over-used in British politics, but in the case of the expenses scandal, it was entirely appropriate. It shook Westminster to the core, yet while the scandal has had long-term implications for Parliament, the impact on life outside Parliament has been much more limited. Beyond the political causalities, the most significant development was the creation of the Independent Parliamentary Standards Agency (IPSA). This removed the processing and regulation of expenses from Parliament and created more transparency. Yet, IPSA’s rule-bound interpretation of its role may well have more negative longer term consequences, arguably creating an unreasonable burden on MPs (the vast majority of whom did not abuse the system) and, perhaps most seriously, creating perverse incentives so that the only non-permissible actions become only those rules that are not expressly forbidden.
Few questions in political science have received more attention in recent times than the role of trust in democracy, democratic government and political participation. In Britain this has become a particular concern as levels of democratic engagement in traditional politics have declined, exacerbated by media reports of politicians' untrustworthy behaviour. A common feature of previous empirical work on political trust is that trust is treated as a single theoretical concept. Scholars have assumed that trust operates in a similar fashion across different political institutions—that citizens' trust mechanisms are the same for trusting parliament, the prime minister or the European Union. As a consequence, the operationalisation of trust has generally been through a single measure. In this article we draw on recent research from political theory, where different forms of judgements whether to trust—strategic, moral and deliberative—have been conceptualised, to argue that trust judgements may vary in application and significance depending upon the institution under examination. Using specially designed data sets generated from YouGov's weekly omnibus and the British Election Study's Continuous Monitoring Panel, we operationalise these three forms of trust judgements to examine trust in two British institutions—political parties and politicians. We find, as hypothesised, that different forms of trust judgements are of differing significance depending upon the institution under consideration.
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