The psychological profile of the moral person might depend on whose perspective is being used. Here, we decompose moral impressions into three components: a) Shared Moral Character (shared variance across self- and informant-reports), b) Moral Identity (how a person uniquely views their morality), and c) Moral Reputation (how others uniquely view that person’s morality). In two samples (total N = 458), we used an extended version of the Trait-Reputation-Identity model (McAbee & Connelly, 2016) to examine the extent to which each perspective accounts for the overall variance in moral impressions and the degree to which social and personal outcomes were associated with each perspective, controlling for method variance (i.e., positivity and acquiescence bias). Results suggest that moral character impressions are strongly influenced by positivity and largely idiosyncratic. All components were related to higher levels of agreeableness. For the most part, however, the three components had unique correlates: people higher in Shared Moral Character tended to have higher standings on conscientiousness and honesty-humility, were more respected, and donated more during an in-lab game; people higher in Moral Identity endorsed various moral foundations to a greater extent; and people higher in Moral Reputation valued the loyalty foundation less. These results demonstrate the value of considering multiple perspectives when measuring moral character.
There are stable individual differences in how positive people’s impressions of others tend to be and these perceptual tendencies in turn shape behaviour. Using data from an experimental online photo-rating study (N = 303) and from an in-lab round-robin study (N = 156), we explored whether people have insight into how positive their impressions tend to be compared to others. Results from both studies suggest that people are aware of how positive their impressions tend to be relative to others. We discuss implications of having or lacking this form of self-knowledge.
Abstract Objective People differ in how positively they tend to see others' traits, but people might also differ in how strongly they apply their perceptual styles. In two studies ( Ns = 355, 303), the current research explores individual differences in how variable people's first impressions are across targets (i.e., within‐person variability), how and why these differences emerge, and who varies more in their judgments of others. Method Participants described themselves on personality measures and rated 30 (Study 1) or 90 (Study 2) targets on Big Five traits. Results Using the extended Social Relations Model (eSRM), results suggest that within‐person variability in impressions is consistent across trait ratings. People lower in extraversion, narcissism and self‐esteem tended to make distinctions across targets' Big Five traits that were more consistent with other perceivers (sensitivity). Furthermore, some people more than others tended to consistently make unique distinctions among targets (differentiation), and preliminary evidence suggests these people might be higher in social anxiety and lower in self‐esteem and emotional stability. Conclusion Overall then, a more complete account of person perception should consider individual differences in how variable people's impressions are of others.
Imagining a narcissist likely calls to mind someone who thinks that they are well-liked and admired—perhaps unrealistically so. But are narcissists’ beliefs about how others see them systematically too positive? Across four samples (total N = 1,537) that included different contexts (group vs. dyadic) and levels of acquaintanceship (new acquaintances vs. close friends), we used condition-based regression analysis to test whether narcissism is associated with overly positive metaperceptions. Results suggested that although people higher in narcissistic admiration expected positive evaluations across several attributes, their beliefs about their reputation were not overly positive, a pattern that held when controlling for self-perceptions at low levels of acquaintanceship. Conversely, people higher in narcissistic rivalry assumed others saw them negatively. These findings add to a growing literature suggesting that grandiose narcissism is not defined by enhancement per se but is related to positive self-views, including positive metaperceptions.
ABSTRACT Background Anti-Indigenous racism is a widespread social problem in health, social work, and education systems in English-speaking Colonized countries such as Canada, with profound negative impacts to the health and education of Indigenous peoples. In 2015, Canada’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission recognized the legacy and impact of Colonization and recommended training programs for these professions on cultural competency and curricula, and on the colonial history of Canada. Yet there is little evidence on best practices for such training, highlighting the need to synthesize existing findings on how these training programs are developed, implemented, and evaluated. Methods This scoping review explored the academic literature on Indigenous cultural safety and competence training in the health, social work, and education fields. Medline, EMBASE, CINAHL, ERIC and ASSIA were searched for articles published between 1996-2020 in Canada, United States, Australia, and New Zealand. The Joanna Briggs Institute’s three-step search strategy was used as was the PRISMA extension for Scoping Reviews. Data was charted and synthesized in three stages. Results 134 were included in this review. Data was extracted on four themes: 1) Article Characteristic; 2) Cultural Safety Concepts, Critiques and Rationale; 3) Characteristics of Cultural Safety Training; and 4) Evaluation Details of Cultural Safety Training. Findings suggest that research on cultural safety training programs in health, social work and education has grown significantly. Nursing and medicine professions have received a significant proportion of cultural training programs, compared with general/allied health, social work, and education. Across fields, professionals and students were targeted equally by training programs. Only half of evaluations of cultural safety and related intervention identified methodological limitations. Implications Considering, comparing, and contrasting literature on cultural safety and related concepts and how they are applied in practice would advance this scholarly work, as would more robust evaluations of cultural safety and similar training interventions to understand their impact at the individual level. Finally, commitment to meaningfully engage Indigenous communities to develop, implement and evaluate such programs is urgently needed.
People have general working models of how likeable they are from past experiences, but do some people apply these models more flexibly than others? In two studies, we used the extended Social Relations Model to index how much within-person variability in people’s meta-liking judgments at zero-acquaintance was the result of tracking a shared reality of target differences (sensitivity) versus distinguishing between targets in unique ways (differentiation). We found that the main source of variability was making unique distinctions across targets (differentiation). Importantly, there were individual differences in both sensitivity and differentiation, and the latter was related to narcissism, social anxiety, and neuroticism. This work demonstrates the flexibility of some people’s working models of themselves in relation to others.
Anti-Indigenous racism is a widespread social problem in health and education systems in English-speaking colonized countries. Cultural safety training (CST) is often promoted as a key strategy to address this problem, yet little evidence exists on how CST is operationalized and evaluated in health and education systems. This scoping review sought to broadly synthesize the academic literature on how CST programs are developed, implemented, and evaluated in the applied health, social work and education fields in Canada, United States, Australia, and New Zealand. MEDLINE, EMBASE, CINAHL, ERIC, and ASSIA were searched for articles published between 1996 and 2020. The Joanna Briggs Institute's three-step search strategy and PRISMA extension for scoping reviews were adopted, with 134 articles included. CST programs have grown significantly in the health, social work, and education fields in the last three decades, and they vary significantly in their objectives, modalities, timelines, and how they are evaluated. The involvement of Indigenous peoples in CST programs is common, but their roles are rarely specified. Indigenous groups must be intentionally and meaningfully engaged throughout the entire duration of research and practice. Cultural safety and various related concepts should be careful considered and applied for the relevant context.
Imagining a narcissist likely calls to mind someone who thinks that they are well-liked and admired—perhaps unrealistically so. But are narcissists’ beliefs about how others see them systematically too positive? Across four samples (total N = 1,537) that included different contexts (group vs. dyadic) and levels of acquaintanceship (new acquaintances vs. close friends), we used condition-based regression analysis to test whether narcissism is associated with overly positive metaperceptions. Results suggested that although people higher in narcissistic admiration expected positive evaluations across several attributes, their beliefs about their reputation were not overly positive, a pattern that held when controlling for self-perceptions at low levels of acquaintanceship. Conversely, people higher in narcissistic rivalry assumed others saw them negatively. These findings add to a growing literature suggesting that grandiose narcissism is not defined by enhancement per se but is related to positive self-views, including positive metaperceptions.
How do targets shape consensus in impression formation? Targets are known to play an outsized role in the accuracy of first impressions, but their influence on consensus has been difficult to study. With the help of the recently developed extended Social Relations Model, we explore the structure and correlates of individual differences in consensus (i.e., dissensus).Across 3 studies, 187 photographs of targets were rated by 960 perceivers on personality and evaluative traits, as well as being coded for physical cues by trained coders. We explored the within-target consistency of consensus across traits, as well as its relationship to four categories of theoretically relevant correlates: expressiveness, normativity, positivity, and social categories.The tendency to make a consistent impression on others was broadly consistent across traits. High-consensus targets tended to be more expressive, had more normative physical cues, and were viewed more positively.At least in a first impression context, targets may play a unique role in predicting the consensus of personality judgments by providing perceivers with more information to work with, and making a negative impression on others may carry social costs.
