Abstract A union default would automatically enrol workers in a union with bargaining coverage over their work. Though there would be a right to opt‐out, it would facilitate recruitment and retention of members, especially in sectors with small employers and high staff turnover. Research indicates it would receive majority support and, where available, induce most workers to membership of unions. This study looks at whether two potential features of a union default would influence the intention to remain a union member if defaulted or support for a union default. The first is a mandatory 30‐day waiting period until opt‐out is permitted. The second is a standardised, online process to facilitate opting out.
Purpose In light of the low‐union density and a huge representation gap in the US representation system. The purpose of this paper is to examine the effectiveness of the system under majority rule and to provide some empirical evidence on how much union membership would increase in the USA if a policy of non‐exclusive representation, as adopted in New Zealand, are to be implemented. Design/methodology/approach The sample for the study consists of 227 New Zealand organizations, employing over 180,000 workers. Logistic regression is used for the analysis with the dichotomous dependent variable indicating whether there is majority union support. Findings If the USA allowed and supported minority unionism, union membership could increase by 30 percent or more. Workers in smaller, private‐sector organizations outside healthcare, education, and manufacturing are most disadvantaged by the majority‐rule system. Practical implications Given that many workers' needs for representation have not been addressed by the current US majority rule system, consideration of minority representation to enhance representation effectiveness and understanding its implications are of critical importance, especially for a democratic society. Originality/value The paper offers empirical data on the implications of a change of the US representation system and proposes three options for incorporating minority representation.
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Key EU agencies have successfully urged member states to scale back employment protection legislation as a solution to unemployment. The economic arguments for this reform are mixed, with recent empirical evidence largely unsupportive. Critics have also raised doubts about the accuracy of the OECD’s Employment Protection Legislation Index, which is the principal method EU agencies use to target so-called high-protection regimes. This article supplements existing criticisms of the OECD index by arguing that it fails to account for procedural requirements in assessing the difficulties and costs of carrying out individual dismissals. Evidence from New Zealand, ostensibly a low-protection country, demonstrates procedural requirements can pose the main impediments to carrying out individual dismissals. This suggests the need for revision of the OECD Employment Protection Legislation Index or the use of other indices instead.
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Memoir of Julius Stein van Gollenesse, Governor of Ceylon, 1743–1751, for his Successor, Geriet Joan Vreeland, 28 February 1751. Translated and edited with an introduction and notes by Sinnapah Arasaratnam (Colombo, Department of National Archives, Sri Lanka. 1971), viii, 154 pp. No price stated. Bawa Satinder Singh, The Jammu Fox: a Biography of Maharaja Gulah Singh of Kashmir 1792–1857 (Carbondale and Edwardsville, Southern Illinois University Press, 1974) xvi, 263 pp. $US15.00. K. Thairani, British Political Missions to Sind: a Narrative of Negotiations from 1799 to 1843 leading up to the State's Annexation (New Delhi, Orient Longmans, 1973), vii, 193 pp. Rs 25. Charles Lee Keeton, 3rd, King Thebaw and the Ecological Rape of Burma: the Political and Commercial Struggle between British India and French Indo‐China in Burma, 1878–1886 (Delhi, Manohar Book Service, 1974), xii, 436 pp., illustrated. Rs 75.00. P. H. 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In November, 2006, a private member's bill to introduce a 90 day probationary employment period, which would have allowed employers to dismiss employees for any or no reason and without having to follow a disciplinary procedure, was defeated. A future National government might still introduce probationary employment; other countries have it already. Such reforms represent an important component of a broader neo-liberal agenda to deregulate the labour market. We therefore critically examine arguments made in support of probationary employment, specifically focusing on the New Zealand Bill, and also more generally discuss the potential adverse consequences of probationary employment. In particular, we question whether probationary employment would alleviate the unemployment of so-called high-risk, high unemployment groups. We also maintain that probationary employment would have all kinds of adverse repercussions for employees and even employers. We conclude by exploring alternative, more active mechanisms for enhancing employment within different areas of the New Zealand economy.
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