As projects seeking to provide digitized tools in health care and medicine are gaining ground at an accelerating pace, imaginations and incipient formations of digital health have acquired a new political urgency. These projects promise to revolutionize health care and medicine. However, efforts to institutionalize digital technologies in health are often fraught with difficulties that cause them to stall during implementation. We explore digital health technologies with respect to how they are aspired to, designed, used, and resisted. Our central argument is that the spread of digital health technologies has set in motion complex processes around the production, extraction, circulation, and economic valorization of data. These processes reconfigure multiple sets of relationships between people, between human bodies, and machines, and between actors in health care and the diverse institutional landscapes they inhabit. We explore these processes in three interrelated and geographically dispersed fields: (a) imaginaries of health and well-being; (b) new geographies of care; and (c) the datafication and (dis-)embodiment of health. This special issue brings into creative tension case studies from across geographical locations and thematic areas. Taken together, they draw attention to the question of how digital health technologies are situated in making and shaping the future of health care. By foregrounding anthropological perspectives, this Special Issue pushes the epistemological boundaries of the emerging scholarship on digital health technologies and global health. At the same time, it argues for a closer engagement of medical anthropologists and sociologists with processes of digitization in health.
This article draws on the infrastructural turn in urban studies to explore the profane materialities that enable particular forms of urban religion. Assuming that cities are configurations of spaces, actors and materialities characterized by dominant modes of belonging, hegemonic definitions of public space, and hierarchical orderings of spatial uses, infrastructures are a central element of cities’ material bases. Based on ethnographic research in Cape Town, I develop the notion of “infrastructuring religion” as a new modality of the spatialization of religion. Practices of infrastructuring draw religious life into the profane realm of ordinary urbanism in which religious meanings run up against machines of bureaucratization, divergent investments in scarce space, and criminal economies. I argue that infrastructuring is an important addition to architecture and place-making as the hitherto dominant concepts for the analysis of urban religion.
How does AIDS affect communities in African societies and how does it change local moral orders? How do people explain and make sense of an ‘exceptional illness’, of grief, death, and the social costs that come with it? How are the strategies and practices of dealing with AIDS shaped by the broader structures of social life and cultural reproduction through which disease is experienced? And how do experiences of AIDS and the practices of confronting it change over time? It is obviously not the first time that these questions have formed the subject of an edited volume. But it is perhaps the first time that they have been addressed so rigorously, not in terms of the interfaces between interventions and local culture engendered by public health and humanitarianism but in terms of ethnographies of the ordinary institutions of everyday life in specific African localities. Rather than focusing on the workings of home-based care schemes, the authors analyse how care is constructed in the vernacular key and organized in extended family contexts; rather than asking why prevention campaigns succeed or fail, the chapters explore how ordinary people themselves conceptualize the role of sexual relationships for transmission, for example in terms of violations of ritual proscriptions. The ways the ambivalences of these hermeneutic practices are represented in lived experience are indeed cogently captured in the notions of ‘morality, hope, and grief’. It also makes much sense that on the spine of the book one only finds this first part of the title, as the book's perspective and scope go well beyond issues of AIDS in the narrow sense.
Situated at the interface between the sociology of religion and gender studies, this article explores the complex relationships between faith-based activities and gendered arrangements of domination in the context of HIV/AIDS in South Africa. It argues that the linkages between religion and gender work in two directions: existing gender relations affect the shape of religious AIDS interventions just as these interventions influence dominant models of femininity and masculinity, and provide alternative models. Drawing on two case studies from the fields of sexual education and AIDS support, the article explains how emerging religious spaces mediate the ways in which female subordination is partially transformed into a gendered asset in successfully managing everyday life in an environment of bio-social risks.
Drawing on an analysis of the multi-religious architectural project called "House of One" in Berlin, this article explores the spatial dynamics surrounding multi-religious places by design. My central questions are: How are liberal notions of tolerance, religious sharing, and diversity addressed and translated in the medium of architecture? And what are the spatial dynamics that facilitate the formation of urban, national, and transnational publics in which understandings of shared sacred space are negotiated? I suggest that emblematic architectural projects such as the House of One acquire their material shape and political meanings not only through design practices but also through media-driven processes of communicative construction and the ways in which affect dispersed audiences by animating their fantasies of peaceful coexistence. Inspired by theories of iconicity, research on urban religion and studies of interreligious dialogue, I explore the narratives and material practices that turn the House of One into a new urban emblem. I argue that as a socio-material energy that is fundamentally relational, iconic force emerges from the ways people attach their vision of interreligious peace to buildings such as the House of One, begin to see them actualized through the building itself, and develop affective ties to it.
is the founder of a Pentecostal church in Johannesburg where we attended services in 2014. 1 The church was the largest and the most structured church of the four migrant-initiated congregations we visited in the city, but according to its leader it has not always been like that.In a long talk about his religious and migrant journeys, Emmet explained to us his dreams, prophecies, and migratory struggles and the miracles that had helped to shape his personal journey, as well as how he became the founder of a transnational ministry with branches in Nigeria and Kenya.After witnessing him hosting church services and Bible schools, hearing his prayers on a radio show, and watching his web-based video messages, it became evident that this pastor's subjectivity and practices conveyed more than biblical knowledge.In one of our encounters, Emmet told us that as an engineering student he began to attend prayer groups and fellowships organized by friends from his university.Through these experiences he gradually became knowledgeable about the Bible as much as he started to feel the "miracle of faith."In one conversation he explained to us why faith needed to go beyond biblical knowledge:
Abstract Legal anthropologists and sociologists of religion increasingly recognize the importance of law in current controversies over religious diversity. Drawing on the case of South Africa, this article explores how such controversies are shaped by contestations over what counts as ‘religion’. Analyzing the historical context and emergent forms of institutional secularity from which contemporary contestations over religious diversity draw, the article explores debates and practices of classification around religion, tradition, and culture, and the ways in which these domains are co-constituted through their claims on the law: on the one hand through an analysis of religion-related jurisprudence; on the other hand through an examination of the debates on witchcraft, law, and religion. I argue that the production of judicial knowledge of ‘religion’, ‘culture’, and ‘tradition’ is tied up with contestations over the power to define the meaning of the domains. In fact, contrary to notions of constitutionality in which rights seem to exist prior to the claims made on their basis, in a fundamental sense rights struggles help to constitute the contemporary human rights dispensation. Against the Comaroffs’ claim that judicialization depoliticizes power struggles, I show that legal claims making remains vibrantly political.