People have characteristic ways of perceiving others' personalities. When judging others on several traits, some perceivers tend to form globally positive and others tend to form globally negative impressions. These differences, often termed perceiver effects, have mostly been conceptualized as a static construct that taps perceivers' personal stereotypes about the average other. Here, we assessed perceiver effects repeatedly in small groups of strangers who got to know each other over the course of 2-3 weeks and examined the degree to which positivity differences were stable versus developed systematically over time. Using second-order latent growth curve modeling, we tested whether initial positivity (i.e., random intercepts) could be explained by several personality variables and whether change (i.e., random slopes) could be explained by these personality variables and by perceivers' social experiences within the group. Across three studies (ns = 439, 257, and 311), personality variables characterized by specific beliefs about others, such as agreeableness and narcissistic rivalry, were found to explain initial positivity but personality was not reliably linked to changes in positivity over time. Instead, feeling liked and, to a lesser extent, being liked by one's peers partially explained changes in positivity. The results suggest that perceiver effects are best conceptualized as reflecting personal generalized stereotypes at an initial encounter but group-specific stereotypes that are fueled by social experiences as groups get acquainted. More generally, these findings suggest that perceiver effects might be a key variable to understanding reciprocal dynamics of small groups and interpersonal functioning. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2022 APA, all rights reserved).
People often attribute success to themselves and failure to others. Past research indicates that this tendency toward self-serving attributions is pronounced among individuals high in trait narcissism. The aim of this registered report was to re-visit the link between narcissism and self-serving attributions by studying attributions in a group context and by distinguishing between two major dimensions of grandiose narcissism, admiration, and rivalry. We conducted a group study, ( N = 422 participants nested in 54 groups), in which participants of each group were randomly assigned to one of two teams which then engaged in an intergroup competition. In line with our hypotheses, admiration predicted the tendency to take personal credit for success. Contrary to our hypotheses, rivalry did not uniquely predict the tendency to blame others for failure. Instead, admiration uniquely predicted the tendency to attribute negative team outcomes to unfairness of the competing outgroup. Explorative analyses further revealed that both admiration and rivalry were associated with the tendency to attribute negative, rather than positive, team outcomes to chance. Taken together, the findings indicate that narcissism goes along with an increased propensity for self-serving attributions in competitive intergroup settings and that this tendency is mainly driven by the admiration dimension.
Individuals differ in the tendency to derive pleasure out of motive-specific incentives, such as being socially included or attaining power. Multiple theoretical approaches have proposed that such motive-specific positive affective contingencies (PACs) are central building blocks of motive dispositions and personality more broadly. In the current research, we put this claim to test and investigated individual differences with regard to motive-specific PACs in the affiliation and power domains. We measured PACs via spontaneous emotional reactions to motive-specific cues, as assessed by affect ratings and electromyographic (EMG) recordings of smile responses. Both of these PAC operationalizations were highly internally consistent and moderately to highly stable across time. Furthermore, motive-specific PACs were linked in a manner consistent with theory to measures of motive dispositions and to personality traits with motivational underpinnings (i.e., extraversion, agreeableness, and narcissism). Finally, in the affiliation domain, motive-specific PACs were linked to objectively assessed, key motivational outcomes (i.e., attentional orientation, behavior in daily life, and in the laboratory). Taken together, the findings underscore the relevance of affective contingencies for the understanding of personality and motivated behavior.
An important aspect of implicit self-esteem is the positivity of peoples spontaneous affective reactions to the self. In this study, we developed and validated a physiology-based measure that captures such positive reactions. We presented participants (N = 256) self-related stimuli (i.e., pictures of themselves) and used electromyography (EMG) to record changes in facial muscular activity that are indicative of subtle smiling. EMG responses were on average positive, which matches with previous research findings on positively biased self-evaluations. Individual differences in EMG responses were moderately reliable and positively associated with explicit self-esteem and self- and peer-rated likability (but not consistently with measures of well-being and agentic behavior). The relations between the EMG responses and likability indicators largely held when we controlled for explicit self-esteem, indicating that the novel measure possessed incremental validity over self-reports. The results thus indicated that the EMG approach might be fruitful for the assessment of implicit self-esteem.
Narcissistic individuals have a strong desire for attracting short-term mates, being influential in groups, and attaining prestige and material wealth. Past research suggests that narcissistic individuals are also quite successful in attaining these outcomes and these effects are due to narcissists’ grandiose self-image and admiration-seeking tendency (i.e., admiration component of narcissism). In the current research, we investigated whether the effects of narcissistic admiration are moderated by specific qualities that are helpful for attaining the respective outcomes. Specifically, we tested whether physical attractiveness moderates the effect of narcissistic admiration on short-term mate appeal, whether intelligence and socio-emotional abilities moderate the effect on social influence, and whether intelligence moderates the effects on occupational prestige and material wealth. Analyzing data from a speed-dating study (Study 1, N = 397), a round-robin laboratory study (Study 2, N = 256), and a panel study representative of the German population (Study 3, N = 1,477), we found that narcissistic admiration and the respective qualities predicted the outcomes, but in most cases, their interactions were non-significant. There was one exception: Narcissistic admiration interacted with verbal intelligence in the sense that the effects of narcissistic admiration on occupational prestige and material wealth were more positive, the higher verbal intelligence was.
In this registered report ( N = 423), we investigated in a competitive intergroup context to what extent the perception of targets scoring high in grandiose narcissism varies depending on whether they belong to one’s own group or to an opposing outgroup. In a laboratory study, members of newly formed groups had direct contact with another group and competed for scarce resources. Contrary to our hypothesis, perceivers did not ascribe targets scoring high in narcissistic admiration higher status when they belonged to their ingroup versus the outgroup. Also unexpectedly, they did not like targets scoring high in narcissistic rivalry better when they belonged to their ingroup. Instead, our findings indicate that narcissistic admiration was generally linked to more dominant-expressive behavior and that participants had a stronger inclination to interpret a specific behavior as aggressive when it was shown by a member of the outgroup, rather than a member of the ingroup.
People have characteristic ways of perceiving others’ personalities. When judging others on several traits, some perceivers tend to form globally positive and others tend to form globally negative impressions. These differences, often termed perceiver effects, have mostly been conceptualized as a static construct that taps perceivers’ personal stereotypes about the average other. Here, we assessed perceiver effects repeatedly in small groups of strangers who got to know each other over the course of 2 to 3 weeks and examined the degree to which positivity differences were stable vs. developed systematically over time. Using second order latent growth curve modelling, we tested whether initial positivity (i.e., random intercepts) could be explained by several personality variables and whether change (i.e., random slopes) could be explained by these personality variables and by perceivers’ social experiences within the group. Across three studies (ns = 439, 257, and 311), personality variables characterized by specific beliefs about others, such as agreeableness and narcissistic rivalry, were found to explain initial positivity but personality was not reliably linked to changes in positivity over time. Instead, feeling liked and, to a lesser extent, being liked by one’s peers, partially explained changes in positivity. The results suggest that perceiver effects are best conceptualized as reflecting personal generalized stereotypes at an initial encounter but group-specific stereotypes that are fueled by social experiences as groups get acquainted. More generally, these findings suggest that perceiver effects might be a key variable to understanding reciprocal dynamics of small groups and interpersonal functioning.
Machiavellianism (Mach) and subclinical psychopathy are two widely studied antagonistic personality traits with distinct theoretical conceptualizations. Mach is conceptualized by strategic deviousness, cynicism, and pragmatic morality, whereas subclinical psychopathy is conceptualized by impulsive antisocial tendencies, callousness, and rule-breaking. However, existing measures of the two traits are typically highly correlated and have very similar nomological networks. Notably, even though psychopathy scales should be more strongly positively associated with antisocial impulsivity and more strongly negatively associated with conscientiousness than Mach scales, existing Mach and psychopathy scales tend to be similarly related to these constructs. We created a new Mach scale, the M7, and a new psychopathy scale, the P7, by selecting items from existing Mach and psychopathy scales on the basis of the correlations of these items with antisocial impulsivity and conscientiousness. Across three studies (combined N = 4,607), the M7 and P7 showed acceptable to good psychometric properties in terms of closeness to unidimensionality, measurement precision, temporal stability, measurement invariance across language and gender groups, and convergent and discriminant validity (nomological network, self-other agreement, and interpersonal perceptions in group interactions). Most importantly, the new scales assess clearly distinct latent traits that are more in line with their theoretical conceptualizations than established scales are.
