Abstract This paper charts the development of Acas over the last two decades as it responds to the changing context of British employment relations. While dispute resolution services have evolved to focus on individual disputes, Acas has remained true to its pluralist roots through its training and advisory services that continue to promote ‘good employment relations’.
In his evaluation of the recast of the EWC directive, Jagodzinski acknowledges that the need for compromise at a European level means that the outcome is not perfect, but argued that the recast offered “a framework, an institution of law, which subsequently requires fleshing out with effective solutions” (p133). In practice for those who research EWCs, this means that old obstacles be revisited, re-evaluated and, moving beyond Jagodzinski’s view, questions be posed as to the extent to which problems have even been solved. This paper argues that whilst not actively resisting EWCs, management pose the greatest obstacle to their functioning through passive resistance and whilst the recent recast directive is better than nothing, it does little to overcome the obstacles posed. The paper is based on semi-structured interviews undertaken in two financial sector institutions. Using research undertaken prior to the adoption of the recast directive and through comparison of the two EWCs, the paper identifies three obstacles which management pose. The issue of the limited levels of two way communication and the level of budget proffered have, to a degree, been addressed by the recast directive, but the paper argues that issue of who attends from the side of management remains unresolved. The findings suggest that without a clear mandate as to who should appear from management, EWCs will struggle to offer a bridge to industrial democracy, especially in times of economic austerity.
Abstract This chapter presents evidence of the effects of the Living Wage campaign. First, it examines the redistributive effect of the campaign, presenting evidence on the number and characteristics of workers that have gained from the Living Wage. Second, it looks at the impact of the campaign on employers and presents evidence showing a widespread but modest positive business effect. The chapter concludes by looking at some of the wider effects of the campaign. One element looks at the impact on individuals and shows that the Living Wage has often served to enhance the ‘capability’ of those on low incomes, allowing them to lead less constrained lives. Another element looks at institutional effects and it is shown that the spread of the Living Wage has neither eroded nor reduced the need for other forms of regulation through collective bargaining and employment law. Civil regulation, it is argued, can coexist with and reinforce these other methods.
Employment tribunals were first established to provide a cheap and accessible service for the quick resolution of legally based employment disputes. With the decline of collective industrial relations and the growth of legislation on individual employment rights, employment tribunals have acquired a new prominence. However, in doing so employment tribunals have also been heavily criticized for becoming too legalistic and formal. This article takes issue with this tendency to criticize the work of employment tribunals. It closely investigates the role of the Employment Appeals Tribunal (EAT) in Ireland and finds that while it has become legalistic it still plays an important role in employment standard-setting. The article argues that employment relations systems in Anglo-Saxon countries are increasingly rights-based and that bodies like the EAT now play a key role in the functioning of such systems.
Abstract The chapter opens with a vignette, the announcement at the British Library of the 2016 Living Wage rates by Sadiq Kahn, Mayor of London. This event is used to introduce the Living Wage, the campaign to promote it, and the various employment actors—employers, unions, and public authorities—that have become involved in the campaign. The chapter then presents evidence of Britain’s enduring problem of low pay, before introducing the concept of civil regulation. There is a review of academic research and debate on civil regulation, which is used to identify research questions and provide a framework for the empirical analysis of the Living Wage campaign that follows. The chapter ends with an account of the methods used in the study and the structure of the remainder of the book.
Abstract This chapter examines the variable response of trade unions to the Living Wage campaign. Unions have supported the campaign to a degree, and the chapter presents the case of UNISON North-West, which has affiliated to Citizens UK and which formed a union-community coalition to promote the Living Wage. The focus of this effort has been social care, with the union using the campaign to organize care workers. Elsewhere, unions have been suspicious of the campaign and both have remained aloof and developed their own, alternative living wage standard. The most common union response is labelled ‘appropriation’, in which unions have kept their distance from the campaign but have included the Living Wage in collective bargaining activity. In some cases, this has led to strikes over the Living Wage. The effect of appropriation has been to spread the standard further, generating a ‘shadow’ Living Wage beyond the ranks of accredited employers.
Abstract This article uses evidence from a survey of accredited Living Wage Employers to examine the extent to which trade unions have supported, campaigned for and been involved in the introduction of the voluntary or ‘real’ Living Wage in the UK. It reports that while unions tended to view the adoption of the Living Wage favourably and to support its introduction they typically were not heavily involved either in the initial decision to adopt the standard or in its implementation. This pattern of findings, it is suggested, is consistent with the union response to corporate social responsibility initiatives and provides only limited support for the commonly argued position that ‘economic justice’ movements provide fertile ground for the development of union‐community coalitions.
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