People across Africa, irrespective of region, fervently believe that participating in an election is not just a "civil responsibility" but, crucially, the opportunity to decide on which individuals and/or parties assume the leadership of the country they live in and consequently influence the evolution of policies and programmes

10.5020/2317-2150.2013.v18n3p802

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THE STATE IN AFRICA – WHOSE IS IT?

Revista da Escola Superior de Guerra (2017)

Herbert Ekwe‐Ekwe

A quem pertence o Estado da África? A que interesse este Estado realmente serve? Apesar das inacreditáveis riquezas humanas, bem como dos recursos agrícolas e mineralógicos, o Estado em África demonstra incapacidade para servir seus povos, mesmo em um momento quando atua excepcionalmente bem na economia global mais abrangente, ano após ano. Atualmente, o grande desafio para os africanos é construir novos estados democráticos extensamente descentralizados para utilizar a grande riqueza lá existente para transformar a vida de milhões de pessoas.

10.47240/revistadaesg.v28i56.213

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Africans Had No Business Fighting in Either the 1914–1918 War or the 1939–1945 War

Journal of Asian and African Studies (2021)

Herbert Ekwe‐Ekwe

The wars of 1914–1918 and 1939–1945 are without parallel in the expansive stretch of decades of the pan-European conquest and occupation of Africa in creating such profound opportunity to study the very entrenched desire by the European conqueror-states in Africa to perpetuate their control on the continent and its peoples indefinitely. The two principal protagonists in each conflict, Britain and Germany, were the lead powers of these conqueror-states that had formally occupied Africa since 1885. Against this cataclysmic background of history, Africans found themselves conscripted by both sides of the confrontation line in 1914–1918 to at once fight wars for and against their aggressors during which 1 million Africans were killed. Clearly, this was a case of double-jeopardy of conquered and occupied peoples fighting for their enemy-occupiers. In the follow-up 1939–1945 war, when Germany indeed no longer occupied any African land (having been defeated in the 1914–1918 encounter), Britain and allies France and Belgium (all continuing occupying powers in Africa) conscripted Africans, yet again, to fight for these powers in their new confrontation against Germany, and Japan, a country that was in no way an aggressor force in Africa. Hundreds of thousands of Africans were killed in this second war. In neither of these conflicts, as this study demonstrates, do the leaders of these warring countries who occupied (or hitherto occupied) Africa ever view their enforced presence in Africa as precisely the scenario or outcome they wished their own homeland was not subjected to by their enemies. On the contrary, just as it was their position in the aftermath of the 1914–1918 war, Britain, France, Belgium, Spain and Portugal in 1945 each envisaged the continuing occupation of the states and peoples of Africa they had seized by force prior to these conflicts. Winston Churchill, the British prime minster at the time, was adamant: ‘I had not become the king’s first minister in order to preside over the liquidation of the British Empire’. Charles de Gaulle, leader of the anti-German ‘free French forces’, was no less categorical on this score: ‘Self-government [in French-occupied Africa, Asia, the Caribbean, South America, the Pacific and elsewhere in the world] must be rejected – even in the more distant future’.

Homeland

10.1177/00219096211054907

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Africa and France – historically and in these times. Doi: 10.5020/2317-2150.2015.v20n3p807

Pensar - Revista de Ciências Jurídicas (2015)

Herbert Ekwe‐Ekwe

For France, the so-called francophonie Africa or the total of 22 countries, mostly in west, northeast, central and southeast Africa (Indian Ocean) that France conquered and occupied in Africa during the course of the pan-European invasion of Africa during the 15th-19th centuries, belong to France in perpetuity. This is in spite of the presumed restoration of independence, since the 1960s, of each of the states concerned. French presidents and top officials of the French republic since the end of World War II, irrespective of ideological or political orientation, attest to this key position in French international politics. Quests for African freedom from this subjugation will be central in charting the salient defining transformative features of African-French relations of this new millennium.

Independence

Position (finance)

Perpetuity

Transformative Learning

10.5020/23172150.2012.807-822

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Angola

Palgrave Macmillan UK eBooks (1990)

Herbert Ekwe‐Ekwe

Independence

Dictatorship

Cape verde

10.1007/978-1-349-21071-8_3

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The Achebean Restoration

Journal of Asian and African Studies (2013)

Herbert Ekwe‐Ekwe

Chinua Achebe and his work represent the restoration of the African as the central focus of deliberation and agency. The importance of that cannot be over-emphasized for a continent and its peoples who were conquered and occupied most devastatingly by Europeans. Achebe has accomplished that task by: (1) ensuring that there is no universal loss of memory of the historic realities of African sovereignty and independence before conquest nor of the regenerative seeds of African freedom that survived the occupation and (2) by countering the conquest literature of the aftermath.

CONQUEST

Independence

Deliberation

African Studies

10.1177/0021909613506485

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Conflict and intervention in Africa: Nigeria, Angola, Zaire

Choice Reviews Online (1991)

Herbert Ekwe‐Ekwe

Part 1 Conflict and intervention in Africa - an overview: general features of conflict and intervention in Africa (and the Third World). Part 2 Nigeria: Western Europe and the United States Africa - the debates on Self Determination, Territorial Integrity, and Inviobility of post-colonial borders the Soviet Union. Part 3 Angola: the Western response - the United States and others the Soviet Union, Cuba and China Africa - South Africa and the contigous states. Part 4 Zaire: western evaluations and reactions Cuba, the Soviet Union and conclusions. Part 5 The dynamics of intervention - a comparative study. Part 6 Conclusions: conflict, intervention and the future.

Southeastern Nigeria

10.5860/choice.28-4737

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Conflict and Intervention in Africa: Nigeria, Angola, Zaire

Foreign Affairs (1991)

Gail M. Gerhart Herbert Ekwe‐Ekwe

Peacekeeping

10.2307/20045100

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Book reviews

Third World Quarterly (1986)

Cosmas Desmond Peter Woodward Colin Henfrey Robert A. Mortimer Keith Watson

Abstract The Mandelas: fighting for freedom Winnie Mandela, Mother of a Nation Nancy Harrison London: Victor Gollancz. 1985. 181pp. £8.95 Part of My Soul Winnie Mandela (Edited by Anne Benjamin and adapted by Mary Benson) London: Penguin. 1985. 164pp £2.95pb Predicting Numeiri's downfall: publish and be praised Sudan at the Crossroads Charles Gurdon Wisbech: Menas Press. 1984. 128 pp. £6.25 Nimeiri and the Revolution of Dis‐May Mansour Khalid London: Routledge (for KPI International). 1985. np The Sudan: A Second Challenge to Nationhood Bona Malwal New York: Thornton Books. 1985. np Rethinking crisis and social change: some recent studies of Latin America Scheming for the Poor: The Politics of Redistribution in Latin America William Ascher Cambridge, Mass, and London: Harvard University Press 1984, 348pp. np Peru: Paths to Poverty Michael Reid London: Latin America Bureau. 1984. 130pp. £2.95 Chile: The Pinochet Decade Phil O'Brien and Jackie Roddick London: Latin America Bureau. 1983. 118pp. £2.95 Rebellion in the Veins: Political Struggle in Bolivia 1952–82 James Dunkerley London: Verso Editions, 1984. 385pp. £5.95 Garrison Guatemala George Black, with Milton Jamail and Stoltz Chinchilla London: Zed Books. 1984. 202pp. np Politics and Dependency in the Third World: The Case of Latin America Ronaldo Munck Zed Books, 1984. 374pp. np Global Problems without solutions? Structural Conflict: The Third World Against Global Liberalism Stephen D Krasner Berkeley: University of California Press. 1985. 363pp. $8.95pb The Non‐Aligned, the UN and the Superpowers Richard L Jackson New York: Praeger. 1983. 315pp. np US Foreign Policy and the Third World: Agenda 1985–86 Edited by John W Sewell, Richard E Feinberg, and Valeriana Kallab New Brunswick and Oxford: Transaction Books. 1985. 238pp. np Thirty years of education: dilemmas and disillusionment Education in Latin America and the Caribbean: Trends and Prospects, 1970–2000 Jose Blat Gimeno Paris: UNESCO, 1983, 190pp. FF45 Educational Planning in a Decentralised System: The Papau New Guinea Experience Mark Bray Sydney: Sydney University Press and University of Papua New Guinea Press, 1984, 159pp. np Educational Research Environments in the Developing World Edited by Sheldon Shaeffer and John A Nkinyangi Ottawa: International Development Research Centre, 1983, 288pp. np Literacy in Theory and Practice Brian V Street Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984, 243pp. £5.95pb The World Crisis in Education: The View from the Eighties Philip H Coombs New York: Oxford University Press, 1985, 353pp. £8.95pb The Scourge of Hunger Ethiopia—The Challenge of Hunger Graham Hancock London: Victor Gollancz 1985. 128pp. £3.95pb Agrarian Reform in Ethiopia Dassalegn Rahmato Uppsala, Sweden: Scandinavian Institute of African Studies. 1984. 105pp. np Never Kneel Down: Drought, Development and Liberation in Eritrea James Firebrace with Stuart Holland Nottingham, England: Spokesman (for War on Want). 1984. 190pp. £4.95pb Ethiopia, Great Britain, and the United States—1941–1974 Harold G Marcus Berkeley, California: University of California Press. 1983. 205pp. £22.00 Persistent Pastoralists—Nomadic Societies in Transition Peter Rigby London: Zed Press. 1985. 198pp. £6.50pb

10.1080/01436598608419919

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