This study replicates and extends Groseclose's (1994) tests of Congressional committee composition hypotheses for the 99th Congress. Alternative hypotheses pit partisan explanations of committee organization against the informational roles committees can play in producing “good” public policy. Other hypotheses explore the likelihood that committees reflect (rather than diverge from) floor preferences. Predictably, empirical tests of such hypotheses have produced no scholarly consensus. Groseclose (1994) enters the debate by using Monte Carlo simulations to test alternative hypotheses of Congressional committee organization, and in so doing, he makes few assumptions (and specifically avoids problematic ones) about the ideological distribution of committee and floor members. For example, difference of means tests, often used to evaluate the significance of floorcommittee divergence, assume that preferences are distributed normally and that the mean scores of a committee and floor are the correct test statistics. Groseclose asserts that the normality assumption is less convincing for small committees and that the median score is more appropriate.
1 The Role of Campaign Advertising 2 The Problem of Persuasion 3 A Brief Primer on Data and Research Design 4 How Race Context Matters 5 How Ad Negativity and Emotional Appeals Matter 6 How Receiver Characteristics Matter 7 How Ad Coverage in News Matters 8 The Future Study of Ad Effects Appendix A Variable Coding Appendix B Full Model Results from Chapter 4 Appendix C Additional Model Results from Chapter 5 References
Krasno and Green have argued that political advertising has no impact on voter turnout. We remain unconvinced by their evidence, given concerns about how they measure the advertising environment, how they measure advertising tone, their choice of modeling techniques and the generalizability of their findings. These differences aside, we strongly agree that political advertising does little to undermine voter participation.
<p>Although modern data-driven campaigning (DDC) is not entirely new, scholars have typically relied on reports and interviewers of practitioners to understand its use. However, the advent of public ad libraries from Meta and Google provides an opportunity to measure the scope and variation in DDC practice in advertising across different types of sponsors and within sponsors across platforms. Using textual and audiovisual processing, we create a database of ads from the 2022 U.S. elections. These data allow us to create an index that quantifies the extent of DDC at the level of the sponsor and platform. This index takes into account both the number of unique creatives placed and the similarity across those creatives. In addition, we explore the impact of sponsor resources, the office being sought, the competitiveness of the race, and the goal of the ad on the measure of DDC sophistication. Ultimately, our research establishes a measurement strategy for DDC that can be applied across ad sponsors, campaigns, parties and event countries. Understanding the extent of DDC is vital for policy discussions surrounding the regulation of microtargeting and data privacy.</p>
This research explores the extent to which campaigns are consistent across communications channels in the issues that they emphasize. We compare the issue agendas in candidates' television advertising, tweets and emails from dozens of U.S. Senate races in 2014, creating a measure of issue convergence for each candidate. We find moderate levels of issue consistency, though issue agendas match more strongly for television ads and Twitter, two channels that speak to a more general audience. Our findings speak to the ability of campaigns to foster a common understanding of issue priorities among the public and the ability of voters to hold candidates accountable for their promises once in office.
Political ads are much decried by voters, but campaigns know that they are critical means of reaching constituents and making direct claims about the positive and negatives of candidates on the ballot. Political ads are most common on television, in 30-second bites. But increasingly campaigns are turning to social media to spread paid messages. While these social media ads will become more common in cycles-to-come, how can we assess the scope of ads that have aired across the many decades of modern elections? Which ones have stood the test of time? This collection highlights 61 ads from 1754 to spring 2020, determined from feedback by experts in the field in a previous study published in Advertising & Society Quarterly. The editors of Advertising & Society Quarterly hope that this collection can be helpful to analyze and reflect on the role of political advertising in society, culture, history, and the economy.
Which political ads are the most memorable? Since the advent of television, a major medium of reaching voters, campaigns have made tens of thousands of unique ads for races up and down the ballot. Of these, a handful stand out as critical markers of changes in American elections. This article considers the top ads and their importance to understanding the way elections have evolved. These ads were not selected for their impact on election outcomes, since estimating those effects is methodologically prohibitive. Political ads, however, matter more than their direct effect on voters at the ballot box. Many ads stand the test of time for what they signify and represent.
Journal Article s. a. m. adshead. China in World History. New York: St. Martin's. 1988. Pp. x, 422. $37.50 Get access Adshead S. A. M.. China in World History. New York: St. Martin's. 1988. Pp. x, 422. $37.50. Michael Franz Michael Franz Emeritus George Washington University Search for other works by this author on: Oxford Academic Google Scholar The American Historical Review, Volume 95, Issue 2, April 1990, Pages 559–560, https://doi.org/10.1086/ahr/95.2.559 Published: 01 April 1990
